Red Guards Los Angeles, as of today, is no more.
We received the following pictures, sent to us anonymously. The propaganda action shows revolutionary support for the militant street vendor masses, and identifies some of the enemies of the people of Los Angeles by name.
Red Guards – Los Angeles unequivocally supports the Unidades de Defensa Populares Revolucionarias (UDPR) and calls on the masses and militants to fight back against the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health, the California Highway Patrol, the California State Police and the Los Angeles Police Department.
Long live the UDPR! Long live the militant vendors!
Maoist militarization: the proletariat’s soldiers are invincible
An indispensable component of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, is the militarization of the Communist Party. That is not to say that other core components of Maoism – the universality of people’s war, the concentric construction of the three instruments of revolution – are any less important. Nor is it to say that the emphasis on the Maoist conception of Great Leadership or that of the methodology of revolutionary violence are somehow apart from these core components; all exist in an interrelated and dialectical permanence within Maoism. One cannot exist without the other. You cannot go to war without understanding the proletarian’s method of warfare. You cannot win the war without the necessary arsenal. And most importantly you cannot win a war without the people. To subtract or downplay Maoist militarization would be revisionism because it would distort Maoism and completely negate it and thus make it a tool not for the proletariat and the masses but rather for the bourgeoisie and the enemies of the people.
To speak on the militarization of the Communist Party, one must speak on the essence of militarization. What does it mean to militarize? What doesn’t it mean? What is the class character on the application of militarization – how does bourgeois militarization differ from proletarian militarization? What is the role of armament and the proletarian military apparatus, the People’s Army?
Supporters of the Maoist movement here in the U.S., as well as abroad, may have an incorrect understanding of Maoist militarization. It is with this in mind, then, in the following that we explore our understanding of militarization.
A brief review of the militarized Communist Parties
The Communist Party of Peru, and principally Chairman Gonzalo, synthesized the core concept of the militarization of all Communist Parties of the world as a necessary component for the correct leadership of People’s Wars in each respective Party’s country. One cannot lead the highest form of class struggle, the People’s War, without mastering militarization. It means quite literally to transform the Communist into a revolutionary fighter, a soldier – which generally means a guerrilla – for the proletariat and the masses, subordinate to the authority of the Party, its Guiding Thought and the invincible ideology of Maoism.
Chairman Gonzalo studied the revolutions of the world, in particular the Russian and Chinese revolutions – socialist, new democratic and cultural – and synthesized all their lessons and applied them to Peru. He saw the militarization by the Bolsheviks in Russia through their Revolutionary Military Committees, through Lenin’s call (which was Marx’s call and in general the Marxist position) on arming the proletariat and the masses, through making the armed Communist Party an indispensable leading force of the proletariat – never to lay down its arms. Stalin took on the red banner of Marxism-Leninism from Lenin and carried the Party forward, never dispensing with Party militarization as well. Gonzalo saw this again in China with Chairman Mao’s similar call for the peasantry and the proletariat, and in general the masses, to be armed and organized through three-in-one Revolutionary Committees, through the full integration of the People’s Liberation Army with the masses in the three areas of production, fighting and administration. We further saw a militarization of the masses within the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with Mao’s call for the masses to rise up and fight against the capitalist roaders inside the Party. This manifested, in just one of many ways, with the creation of the Red Guards populated principally by the revolutionary Communist youth and students of Mao. While the primary purpose for the Red Guards was destruction of capitalism in and outside of the Party in order to continue the construction of socialism to then go on to construct Communism, they were nonetheless militarized. Gonzalo saw this as the universal application of the militarization of the masses, or the sea of armed masses. The armed masses – militarized by the Communist Party – are trained as the safeguards of the revolution and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The Party is the offensive front guard, the vanguard, of the proletariat. The masses are its rearguard, or its safeguard, without which there would be no Party or revolution.
The masses in all countries currently suffer from capitalist and imperialist exploitation and many oppressed nations and colonies continue to suffer from ongoing colonization. The masses objectively yearn for revolution and revolutionary leadership. We are living the era of worldwide strategic offensive, as initiated and asserted by Chairman Gonzalo. Now is the time for People’s War, in general People’s War until Communism. For the People’s War to be victorious, we must grasp its essence as the military method of warfare for the proletariat. Just like the bourgeoisie has its bourgeois armies and method of imperialist warfare, the proletariat has its armies and its specific method.
To be a Communist today, as it has always been, means to be a guerrilla devoted selflessly and completely in serving the people for revolution. This is not a figurative comparison or a slip-up of word choice. It is not an exaggeration. It is not hyperbole. But of course a soldier always serves one class or another. That said, there are however certain qualities that defines a soldier in either class.
The soldier and the military apparatus
A soldier is a member of a highly-hierarchical, centralized and disciplined military apparatus, organized into a top-down structure of subordinated formations (the names of such formations vary from country to country, and in certain cases era to era, but some generally common ones include: General command, battalions, companies, platoons, squadrons and units). A soldier is conditioned prior to full insertion into the military apparatus for an appropriate amount of time for their general political-military education, combat training, physical conditioning and cultural education. They must be transformed from a civilian into a soldier. That is the initial primary task of any military apparatus. This is universal across the political spectrum, from the bourgeoisie to the proletariat – with the former currently being the biggest and superior. The bourgeoisie’s worldwide military apparatus, while bigger and superior both in numbers and arsenal, however is not more advanced than the proletariat’s military apparatus, even if it’s significantly smaller and weaker. Advancement means an overall higher qualitative level of something. As Maoists, as followers and students of Chairman Gonzalo, we can say the proletariat’s People’s Army and its guiding ideology of Maoism, is the most advanced method of warfare and worldwide revolution. Just because the Pentagon still enjoys global imperialist hegemony does not make it more advanced. That’s putting forward quantitative ahead of qualitative. We certainly would never consider revisionist “Communist” Parties or organizations with more members and supporters than actual Maoist Communist Parties or organizations as being more advanced. The Democratic Socialists of America, countrywide, are one of the biggest, if not the biggest, “left” formations in the U.S. But no serious revolutionary would ever consider the DSA a more advanced organization than the U.S. Red Guards Movement.
Going back to militarization: in the process of the civilian transforming into the soldier, the military apparatus’ leadership must ensure the civilian has been fully transformed into a soldier. The person will no longer generally be a civilian. They will be totally a soldier, from sunrise to sundown. They will eat and maintain proper hygiene in a militarized method. They will take rest periods in a militarized method. They will sleep in a militarized method. Even their dreams – as a manifestation of their rigorous and perpetual political-military education and cultural education – will become militarized, dreaming of heroism, bullets, martyrdom and history. A total militarization.
The soldiers will be fully consumed with the political line of the military apparatus and continue perpetual conditioning and political-military education. This is not conditional to whether or not the military apparatus is currently engaged in combat, but of course that will change the level of militarization. Through peace time and in times of war, the soldier remains a soldier. The military apparatus never is liquidated simply because it finds itself not fighting. The People’s Army in general and the guerrilla, or Communist soldier, in particular does not cease to exist in times of peace.
The superiority of the Communist soldier
Since the political line of the military apparatus will become the all-guiding line of the soldier, it is only natural that the soldier will enthusiastically, voluntarily, grasp it and be absorbed by it. But it is here that we must combat metaphysics and let it be assumed that any military organization can have a correct political line capable of carrying it to lasting victory. This is fundamentally incorrect and un-Marxist. The fact that desertion, suicide, reactionary intimate violence against loved ones especially wives, drug and alcohol abuse, are so rampant in the bourgeois military is precisely due to the incorrectness of the decaying bourgeois political line. It is imposed on imperialist soldiers, many from proletarian backgrounds and oppressed nations – the fastest growing demographic being Latino (mainly Chicano, Central American, Caribbean and South American). Like an incompatible transplant organ or blood transfusion, the body of the proletariat rejects the alien object like a foreign position, in one way or another. The bourgeois military, just like its class, is destined to fail. The proletariat, as the last social class in history, will be triumphant, and its military apparatus – the People’s Army and its Party leadership – guarantees this.
For the Communist soldier, one of the fundamental differences between them and the bourgeois soldier is that the Communist soldier clearly understands that they are fighting for the proletariat and the people in building socialism. The bourgeois soldier, although fully reeducated and de-civilianized, because of the class nature of the bourgeois military, only fights for imperialism. Many are like mercenaries fighting for pay. There is no future for the bourgeois soldier in imperialism. They are relegated to an unthinking pawn or cog to be tossed away when their use is done – be it securing a new source of cheap surplus labor or oil or strategic territory for bourgeois inter-imperialist war.
The Communist soldier, however, is not merely a mechanical part of a machine. They are a vital component to socialist society, the Party and the revolution. Their victory is the people’s victory. In this way the Communist soldier is always connected to their subject – the people, and acts in their defense – while the bourgeois soldier mostly sees their position as a necessary inconvenience much like employment. The Communist soldier, with full consent and conviction, maintains their discipline through collective military life.
Revolutionary armed forces normally adopt a system of strict discipline, freely consented to. Discipline that is freely consented to, because it builds upon the political consciousness of the cadres and the combatants and is largely maintained through a process of ongoing education and persuasion. This system is such that everyone is motivated to respect it and to help each other to observe it. Strict discipline means that all members of the army, without exception, cadres as well as combatants, superiors as well as subordinates, must respect it to the letter and nobody is exempt. – T. Derbent, “Categories of Revolutionary Military Policy”
Communist soldiers fight so as to, eventually, after the enemy is annihilated and totally subdued, not fight in the future. While they are selfless and subordinate, the Communist soldier does not dogmatically become a humanless valueless instrument. The guerrillas of the People’s Army grasp Maoism; they serve their class and Party; they’d lay down their own lives for it because they are correctly convinced – or better said, they fully understand – Communism is coming and can only arrive with the blood of martyrs. This is not a despairing thing. This is not a dark and gloomy acceptance of a doomed life. On the contrary. It is a glorious honor. It is the most illuminating and exultant conviction for any human being on earth. History is filled with heroic examples of revolutionaries and guerrillas laying down their lives willingly, consciously, for the people. Presently we see this with the revolutionary guerrillas of the People’s Liberation Army of the Communist Party of Peru, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the New People’s Army of the Communist Party of the Philippines, the Liberation Army of the Workers and Peasants of Turkey (TIKKO) of the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist.
The People’s War is fortified with the blood of martyrs. The TKP/ML understands this and with great poetry and steel-like conviction they reaffirm it boldly in their 2002 document commemorating their martyrs, “There is no death for us! We have our revenge oaths and war cries!”
Our martyrs; chanting the cries of our martyrs, (such slogans as, “Everything is for the Party, Party is for the Revolution!” “Long live our party TKP/ML”) is the red rivers for the deepening our ideology, policies and their implementation. Our martyrs are the peaks of our ideals, decisiveness in the struggle like the permanent, high and elegant peaks of the Ararat, the Munzur, the Taurus and the Kachkar Mountains. These peaks carry us to conquer the sun and the stars.
Therefore, each of our martyrs is an important “loss” in the short term. But on the contrary, in the medium and long terms they will be strong gains for our 25 years of class struggle and especially today, in the Restructuring of the Party and the continuation of the class struggle.
The Communist Party of Peru and their precursor to their People’s Liberation Army, the People’s Guerrilla Army, recognized the immortality of its martyrs – especially the heroic martyrs of the state’s onslaught of June 19, 1986. The day continues to live on as the internationally-recognized “Day of Heroism” in the International Communist Movement. More than 300 heroic revolutionaries and People’s Guerrilla Army fighters were murdered in three of the state’s dungeons:
Thus, the nineteenth of June is imperishable as DAY OF HEROISM, the blood of these heroes and the armed revolution fructifies the fire burning more, rising up as a monumental … flag and inexhaustible war cry that summons the inevitable final triumph.
The glorious belligerent death of these prisoners of war is cherished with the blood already poured and before it the Communists, the combatants and the sons of the people, armed, we assume the unwavering commitment to follow their shining example, to develop the People’s War to serve the world revolution until the unfading light of Communism is everywhere in the world under the undefeated banners of Marx, Lenin and Mao Tsetung, of the ever-living Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Martyrs are made immortal. The Communist Party of India (Maoist) gives permanence to its revolution’s martyrs in their 200-page book dedicated extensively to all the martyrs of the Indian New Democratic Revolution.
The martyrs of the Indian revolution represent the scientific ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM). They herald a new society, new politics, new economy and new culture and are forerunners of the new kind of human beings who would inhabit a communist society. They represent a great history. They represent all that is just, righteous, virtuous, moral and humane in human beings. The great values of selflessness, sacrifice, unflinching commitment to the revolution, placing the interest of the collective above individual interests, undaunted courage in facing the enemy, broadness in thinking, love for the people and comrades, steely determination to confront and overcome any number of difficulties, perseverance in the face of hardships, devotion to serving the people and many more such higher values have been imbibed and practiced by these martyrs. They have placed glorious models in front of us to emulate with the way they lived and died.
Therefore, as made evident in this document, the Communist soldier is a more advanced soldier. They are nothing short of a piece of history. They carry the legacy of the international proletariat, of the International Communist Movement, a history of martyrdom and a sea of tears and blood, of unfading memory of our movement’s somber losses and victorious gains. The Communist soldier fights for nothing short of the full transformation of the world. They are on the front lines of destroying imperialism and building Communism. The Communist soldier is exemplary. The Communist soldier is prestigious and well-respected. They are a source of authority and respect for the masses, with the peasantry or the proletariat, in the countryside or in the cities. The Communist soldier is trustworthy. They are guided by Communist morality and ethics. If appropriate (such as in low-intensity warfare or peace time), enemy soldiers are captured. They are not ruthlessly and unnecessarily killed. Communist soldiers do not torture. The bourgeois soldier, on the other hand, is cynical, greedy, corrupt, disenfranchised, demoralized. They are eager to lay down their weapon or to quickly die so as to escape the horrors of a war they are never really agreed with. Their bourgeois shortsightedness contributes to the demoralization, which in turn infects entire military formations. The bourgeois soldier steals, rapes and brutalizes the masses. Out of frustration, bourgeois soldiers have committed great horrific war crimes against the people, especially in oppressed nations and colonies.
They can never match the bravery of the guerrilla, the Communist soldier, because the Communist soldier knows deep down in their cellular level that they fight for a historic and noble cause. They have the weight of history and the world on their shoulders. And this is contagious, too. It infects entire proletarian military formations, where there is a strong sense of camaraderie – ironically a phrase stolen by the bourgeois military. Communist soldiers, even on their rest periods, read Communist literature; they build each other up, struggle over important questions. Like any Communist outside of war, the Communist soldier in combat struggles even more intensely with their comrades and the masses for political unity and sharpness. They clearly see the correlation between a correct political line and victory on the long march toward Communism.
The Communist soldier’s grasp of the Party’s military line, its governing ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, and its particular Guiding Thought, directly aids in the construction of socialism, both locally and internationally. There is no force on earth than can match this high level of commitment and discipline.
Our general militarization in the U.S.
In the absence of a People’s War, which is part of our current general countrywide situation in the U.S., Maoists oppose the arguments by revisionists and others in refusing militarization. As said earlier, to refute or attempt to remove militarization from Maoism would result in inevitable failure with the variable being time. You cannot wage revolution without an army. You cannot have an army without soldiers. You cannot wage a revolution without revolutionary theory. The task of Maoists in countries where there is no Maoist Communist Party is to reconstitute their respective Communist Parties, and militarize them, as part of concentrically constructing the three instruments of revolution. We train ourselves and the masses to wield revolutionary violence while we begin building the future Base Areas of the People’s War. The task for Maoists in countries without Maoist Communist Parties and without People’s Wars is to seize the subjective conditions in favor for war. The general objective conditions are already there for revolution. Our task is to catch up with the masses and our historical mission.
Maoists do not wait for the next economic crisis or government shutdown or mass unrest. In our mass organisms and initiatives we seek to attack the enemies of the people, securing revindications, while we construct the subjective conditions for People’s War. All our militarized mass work leads us to this inevitability.
As Chairman Gonzalo said in the “Line of Construction of the Three Instruments of Revolution” of the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru, the Communist Party militarizes itself as part of militarizing the masses for the safeguard the revolution and new socialist state.
… because we march toward a militarized society. By militarizing the Party, we complete a step toward the militarization of society which is the strategic perspective to guarantee the dictatorship of the proletariat. The militarized society is the sea of armed masses which Marx and Engels spoke of, that guards the conquest of power and defends it once conquered. We take the experience of the Chinese Revolution, of the anti-Japanese base at Yenan, which was a militarized society where everything grew out of the barrels of guns: Party, Army, State, new politics, new economics, new culture. And in that way we develop war communism.
Let us take up this call seriously. Let us propagate the militarization of the Party and masses in all our mass work. As we march toward Communism, we must march first toward the sea of armed masses.
Militarize the pre-Party organisms!
Militarize all mass work toward a sea of armed masses!
Long live Chairman Gonzalo and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
 Red Guards Austin “Toward a Sea of Armed Masses” from the Maoist Conference on Line Struggle concisely emphasizes these three core components of Maoism.
 T. Derbent – “Categories of Revolutionary Military Policy”
 “There is no death for us! We have our revenge oaths and war cries!” http://www.bannedthought.net/Turkey/TKP-ML/2000s/ThereIsNoDeathForUs-2002-Eng.pdf
 “Martyrs of the Indian Revolution: the roll call of honor.” http://www.bannedthought.net/India/CPI-Maoist-Docs/Cadre/PhotoAlbumOfMartyrsOfCPI(Maoist)-Book-Eng-140915.pdf
 “Line of Construction of the Three Instruments of Revolution ” of the General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru. https://gplpcp.wordpress.com/line-of-construction-of-the-three-instruments-of-the-revolution/
LOS ANGELES, CA
KANSAS CITY, MO
Comrade Dr. Ernesto Sernas García, a revolutionary lawyer and law professor in Oaxaca, Mexico was disappeared in San Agustín de las Juntas on May 10 of this year — he is one of the many revolutionaries and servants of the people disappeared by the reactionary Mexican state.
The U.S. Red Guards joins the Communist and progressive organizations of the world in condemning his disappearance and in demanding the presentation of Dr Sernas alive to the masses, poor peasants, and workers of Mexico.
At the time of his disappearance, Dr. Sernas—a professor of constitutional law at Universidad Autónoma Benito Juárez de Oaxaca—was in the midst of defending twenty-three Maoist militants of Corriente de Pueblo Sol Rojo, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist organization which is active in the heartland of Oaxaca. The militants were arbitrarily detained on charges of terrorism and carrying explosives back in 2015, and although they are not currently in state custody the revolutionaries are still facing serious charges that, if prosecution is successful, carry a heavy sentence in the state’s dungeons. The reactionary state power in Mexico is wielding the corrupt judicial system in an attempt to intimidate and destroy the revolutionary movement in Oaxaca; however, Dr. Sernas was set to present evidence in court demonstrating irregularities in the legal process and human rights violations against the twenty-three defendants.
As they have demonstrated time and time again, when they cannot use the corrupt police force and courts to “legally” neutralize revolutionaries, the decaying old-state resorts to extralegal means: using reactionary paramilitary organizations aligned with the big bourgeoisie and landowners to murder and disappear enemies of the state. Dr. Sernas’ disappearance is one of many cases of state-sanctioned violence against revolutionaries and progressive activists carried out by these paramilitary forces; since May 10 Comrades Abraham Hernández González and Rolando Crispín López have been murdered by similar organizations acting as the unofficial and hidden foot-soldiers of the ruling class in Oaxaca.
Dr. Sernas serves as a shining example for revolutionary and progressive intellectuals around the world, serving the people’s movement by courageously defending political prisoners, risking his reputation and physical safety along the way to expose the crimes of the reactionary state power in Mexico. To date he has demonstrated the manufacturing of incriminating evidence, violation of due process and other constitutional guarantees, as well as hiding possibly exonerating evidence — all perpetrated by the state. He has laid bare the corrupt nature of the Mexican judiciary and unmasked their role as a tool for class domination and counter-insurgency. Our hearts are with our comrades in Oaxaca and the rest of Mexico. The example of Dr. Ernesto Sernas Garcia only serves to strengthen our revolutionary spirit and indomitable will to destroy the imperialist monster known as the US government.
Who are the revolutionaries in Oaxaca?
Corriente del Pueblo Sol Rojo is a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist, organization based in Oaxaca which has come into violent contradiction with both the official forces of the reactionary Mexican state and its unofficial paramilitary arms.
Sol Rojo stands with the International Communist Movement in upholding the legacy and contributions of Chairman Gonzalo and the experience of the Peruvian People’s War in which Marxism was crystallized into a third and higher scientific stage. This year, Sol Rojo united with revolutionary organizations around the world in denouncing decisively the “electoral farce”, promoting the voting boycott with the slogan, “Don’t vote — organize and fight!”
Building strong ties among the poor campesinos, the workers, and the students and the teachers of Oaxaca, Sol Rojo places in the hands of the Mexican masses the tested and unbreakable weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, a spear-point which pierces directly to the conquest of power, New Democracy and the transition to socialism, continuing the revolution with cultural revolution onward to communism.
Solidarity North of the Rio Grande
The repression faced by Dr. Sernas and the militants of Sol Rojo whom he was defending is deeply familiar to all servants of the people who attack with not only words the brutal edifice of capitalism-imperialism, and the U.S. Maoist Movement is certainly no exception.
In November of 2016, Comrade Dallas, a committed Maoist and supporter of the US MLM movement survived an attempt on his life by the Texas Department of Public Safety which left him with a broken neck; two years later, having failed to liquidate the activity of Comrade Dallas, the State has struck him with a series of trumped up charges which carry significant prison time. The campaign to free Comrade Dallas has reached all the way around the world, with solidarity actions in Norway, Ireland, France, Germany, and Brazil (among others).
The respective crises of imperialist capitalism and bureaucratic capitalism simultaneously give rise to the super-intensified role of reactionary paramilitary forces in carrying out whatever deeds the formal State is either unwilling or too weak to perform — a phenomenon well-known to the peoples of Latin America. In all cases, the paramilitaries coordinate with the State through a combination of official and unofficial channels, relying for instance on the police for protection against Communist militants, and transportation to and from confrontations.
The brutality of disappearances and of the prisons which we call annihilation zones cannot be overstated. Wherever the people rebel the state and its lackeys viciously attempt to crush this rebellion, through counterinsurgency methods ranging from NGO intervention to assassination, torture, and genocide. But the stones they throw will fall at their own feet; the blood they spill will water the earth and new militants will rise as they must do, and as they do.
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Principally Maoism is the ideology of the proletariat and it burns bright, a rising sun and—as the Peruvian comrades say—one cannot hide the sun with one’s thumb. Even when trapped within the old state’s dungeons, revolutionaries work to support the struggle outside as well as to develop revolutionary culture within. The prisons are another trench of combat in the class struggle; we are duty-bound to turn prisons into shining trenches, lit up by the people’s sun. We say: Turn the prisons from annihilation zones to shining trenches of combat!
Thus, we must cherish and support our militants and servants of the people. This is precisely what progressive lawyers like Dr. Sernas do — they cherish and support the people caught in the bloody jaws of reaction. In doing so, Dr. Sernas and the people like him risk everything in supporting the cause of the people — their careers, their lives. As Dr. Sernas cherished and supported the arrested militants of Oaxaca, so too must all the proletarians and peoples of the world cherish and support him.
In the midst of the Earth-shaking people’s war in Peru, where the masses fought and died for a new world free of landlords and capitalists, free of the immiseration and brutality against the indigenous peoples and laboring people, the Association of Democratic Lawyers rose up to defend the heroic fighters, to snatch them from the jaws of reaction. The democratic lawyers risked death at the hands of the state and their death squads, but they persisted and saved the lives of many servants of the people. Dr. Sernas stands in line with this tradition as such it is no surprise that the progressive and democratic peoples of the world stand firmly with him — and demand in unison to the vile agents of the Mexican state: Present Dr. Sernas Alive!
Long live the defenders and servants of the people!
Long live international solidarity!
Present Dr. Sernas Alive!
¡Dr Sernas presenación con vida!
Red Guards Austin
Red Guards Los Angeles
Red Guards Kansas City
Red Guards Pittsburgh
Red Guards Charlotte
Demonstrators in Quito, Ecuador support the call to present Dr. Sernas alive above. Below, revolutionaries in Brazil demonstrate in front of the Mexican consulate to demand the Mexican government present Dr. Sernas Alive.
We’re making our four year summation – “Four Years Building RGLA: a summation on accumulating forces for the coming Protracted People’s War” – available for download. It has been updated with grammatical and other edits and corrections. Our work is ongoing and already there are certain things in the summation that are quickly transforming. We will have regular summations available in the future.
Long live the Red Guards!
Long live Chairman Gonzalo!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Download our pdf here: RGLA 4 Year Summation
The following is a polemic against the SB 946 law that would supposedly make street vending legal in California. It was sent to us by the People’s Revolutionary Defense Units (In Spanish, the UDPR) for the purpose of being published. We are told copies of the polemic will be made available in Spanish for the Spanish-speaking immigrant street vendor masses. We, RGLA, are in full support of the UDPR and their position against SB 946.
No one needs to be told that we live under an oppressive economic system because we experience it every day. But our system – capitalism – is designed to trick us. It pretends to fix itself, but it cannot be fixed. It isn’t broken. It is working exactly how it was designed to: with the capitalists, also known as the bourgeoisie, getting richer and more powerful and the workers getting poorer and more divided. That is why revolutionaries have an obligation to show the masses the most effective ways to fight and seize power.
One way capitalism tricks us is by telling us to vote, or to have faith in our politicians, like Gov. Jerry Brown and Senate Bill 946 – the so-called “Safe Sidewalk Vending Act” – that supposedly legalizes street vending.
On Sept. 17, Gov. Brown signed the bill. It goes into effect on Jan. 1 next year. But the bill is a sham. It is one big trick – even though there are some good things within it. But it hurts more than it helps.
What does the ‘Safe Sidewalk Vending Act’ really say?
Local cities or counties now, according to the bill, will make up new bureaucratic permit systems. And in order for you to get your permit, you must have a state ID, driver license of a government-approved identification card. You also must have a sellers permit by the state Department of Tax and Fee Administration. The cities or counties in California now, according to the bill, will have the right to pick and chose which vendors are allowed to vend and where and when and what they vend. The bill does, however, allow you to sell at parks but – and this is the scariest part – they need to know who you are, where you live and if you have a Social Security Number – which means they’ll have a pretty good idea if you’re an undocumented immigrant.
To continue being a street vendor, including those who sell at parks, you need to register with the city or county. And the same government that hands you over to ICE is the same government you’re supposed to trust? The language in the bill literally says if the city or county needs to hand your information over to the state or federal government, it will.
Requiring the sidewalk vendor to obtain from the local authority a permit for sidewalk vending or a valid business license, provided that the local authority issuing the permit or business license accepts a California driver’s license or identification number, an individual taxpayer identification number, or a municipal identification number in lieu of a social security number if the local authority otherwise requires a social security number for the issuance of a permit or business license, and that the number collected shall not be available to the public for inspection, is confidential, and shall not be disclosed except as required to administer the permit or licensure program or comply with a state law or state or federal court order.
The new bill does not – we repeat does not! – protect you, the immigrant street vendor masses! It lies to you! It betrays you.
The bill also keeps power in the hands of the Los Angeles County’s Department of Health, one of the main enemies of the immigrant street vendor masses. The Department of Health is still coming for your carts! They will keep stealing your property and destroying your food!
Remember when you were brutalized? Remember the terror in your children’s eyes when they saw the Department of Health workers and their police terrorizing you, stealing and destroying your property? Remember when your children were handcuffed? Remember how some of your hands used to tremble with anxiety at the sight of them? (We say used to because everyone knows you don’t fuck with a vendor in Exposition Park now!)
But we don’t say all of this to scare you. No, we say all this for you to keep trucha, to be vigilant, and to keep uniting, keep transforming into militants. It is only through struggle that we all change! It is only through struggle that we win!
No to charity, yes to revolution!
Earlier this year, Serve the People – Los Angeles (STPLA) started their People’s Committees to build power and turn working-class tenants into future people’s army or militia soldiers, and to involve them in other revolutionary struggles. The biggest danger or problem with this struggle was always the dangers of it falling into charity work. Charity work is fine but that’s what churches, nonprofit organizations and others do. We don’t do that. We don’t think it’s enough to give you free things or just help to make you live better under capitalism. Our lives will never be the lives we deserve until we get rid of capitalism. We call anything that only tries to make your lives better without changing the root cause for the problem economism.
What we are doing is building defense units, right now with the immigrant street vendor masses, against ICE. We are building revolutionary people’s soldiers. We don’t know how to make your sales better. We don’t know how to make you sell more hot dogs or sodas or ice creams. Our main concern and all we know is this: you are part of the people and you are being attacked – and in us defending you, we will guide you to defend yourselves and seize power.
Today it’s Exposition Park in South Central Los Angeles, but tomorrow the UDPR will grow both in quality and then in numbers.
In the People’s Committee struggle landlords were fearful of revolutionaries and the people but some of these landlords are smart. One example was slumlord Roger Lee from the 1330/1350 Pleasant Ave. People’s Committee in Boyle Heights. He reduced the rent increase from $140 to $70 and reduced it for all of his tenants and not just the ones who were organizing. Some of the tenants didn’t even care about the rent hike decrease!
STPLA’s work in the 1330/1350 Pleasant Ave. People’s Committee campaign gave the UDPR an important lesson: the masses cannot be transformed without actions in the class struggle.
Here at Exposition Park we see the capitalist state violently brutalizing you all, the immigrant street vendor masses, and we see how you all fight back so courageously!
The UDPR was created, as a defense unit, to defend but to also help train the masses into revolutionary defenders.
Economism, in the end, is harmful because it tricks you into thinking it’s not right to rebel. Economism is harmful but the way it looks and feels is often safe and sweet. That’s why we say they are sugar-coated bullets. But bullets are still bullets, and they kill!
So just like how our comrades in STPLA’s People’s Committees suffered from economism in the struggle against the slumlord Roger Lee, we see the new street vending law and much of the street vending struggle overall as an economist struggle.
It’s not enough to vend safely in public parks. The state, city and county will still attack you in other ways. Even if Peter Lee, the dreaded Department of Health worker, were to be fired or transferred. Or if officers Rodriguez or Williams, the cowardly State Police pigs, were to be fired or transferred. Or if K. Cardoza, the reckless and egotistical California Highway Patrol pig, were to be fired or transferred, the war against working-class immigrants will still go on.
Like the family dog underneath the table getting scraps of food, the state is trying to trick you all by satisfying you with scraps of reforms. But you are not dogs! You are the people! You deserve to have the police cower at the sight of all of you united and powerful!
‘With unity and power, nothing is impossible!’
The supporters of the UDPR, like STPLA, have posted several videos capturing the brutality of the state and county pigs at the park. These pigs that are representatives of capitalism and exist to uphold bourgeois laws openly terrorize you all – they have chased some of you to the train tracks. They have violently shoved you all and toppled your carts. They have seized your property roughly. And they have ambushed you on sidewalks and street corners. They do not try at all to hide their brutality and hatred of immigrant street vendor masses. We have heard about the state and county pigs entering your homes and stealing your property without any type of warrant.
The capitalists who so passionately defend private property are nowhere to be found when immigrant street vendor masses’ carts are brutally seized away from them. Why? Because under capitalism, the right to own property exists only for a wealthy minority. As the German revolutionary Karl Marx  teaches us:
[In capitalist society], private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths.
As mentioned earlier, this is why we should be so suspicious of capitalist laws which claim they will help oppressed people. If the California government really wanted to help the immigrant street vendor masses, they would have destroyed the pigs that terrorize them day in and day out. But, of course, they don’t really want to help the immigrant street vendor masses. They only want to help themselves, to fill their own pockets. The state will never do anything for anyone unless it will ultimately benefit them.
The immigrant street vendor masses are the victims of capitalism and of gentrification. The city, county and state pigs have shown us they will push out and terrorize the masses by any means necessary. Would a law be enough to fix this? Would a law transform the pigs from monsters who handcuff children into friendly bureaucrats?
You and your children see that capitalist laws, even before SB 946, will not help you enough and they will not transform our enemies into friends. Our enemies, like Officer Rodriguez or Peter Lee in the video, have no sympathy for you. They are pigs and traitors.
We have seen how you declare your hatred of the pigs and the local government, the County of Los Angeles. We’ve seen this since we first began working with you all.
On your own, even before us, you all have said how the pigs are not to be talked to or trusted. So this hatred of pigs is not new, but it has only recently begun to grow into something else. Before, some of you were scared. This is not because you are cowards; in fact, most of you (and especially the children) are unwaveringly courageous.
You had to continue vending, with the unrelenting stress and fear, day after day, constantly looking over your shoulder for the Department of Health trucks or State Police white Ford sedans. Every single time you had to go to the park, you’d face the very real risk of being intimidated, ticketed, shoved around, chased and have your carts and food stolen.
Yudis Leonel Cruz, the vendor who went missing for a few days after the Sept. 23 confrontation with the pigs (after escaping the park, he stayed home with little to no communication with anyone), even reported to us that he was arrested and held for 15 days without being able to speak to his family or lawyers. Why? Because he warned the other vendors about the police in Spanish and the racist pigs took this as a death threat.
The pigs, with their inhumanity and lack of morality, loved this fear. Pigs want people to be terrified of them. They want to leave the immigrant street vendor masses trembling and children crying. This is how they hold onto power – through fear and intimidation.
But pigs, like all other oppressors and reactionaries, are paper tigers. As Mao teaches us:
In appearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, but in reality, they are not so powerful. From a long-term point of view, it is not the reactionaries but the people who are powerful.
The pigs are outnumbered by the masses, one million to one. They are not unbeatable and the immigrant street vendor masses with the UDPR see this with their own eyes. With the guidance of the UDPR and with ever-increasing unity among themselves, the immigrant street vendor masses are learning to unleash the revolutionary potential of their hatred. The same vendors who used to sprint away from the pigs (trembling furiously, pulling heavy carts with boiling oil and children with tears running down their faces) now lead jeers against the pigs. More and more, they do not run away. They stand their ground. They scream at the pigs, openly shame the pigs and pull their carts back from the pigs by force. If their voices waver, it is with passion. If they cry, it is with fury.
This transformation and courage did not come from some capitalist law which protects only some street vendor and not all. Revolutionary courage is never born from bourgeois legality. Revolutionary courage is born from struggle and principally from the class struggle. The immigrant street vendor masses will not be empowered by bourgeois politicians who do not give a fuck about anything except maintaining capitalism. You will only be empowered by actually seizing power with your own two hands.
And as you all have been transformed by struggle, we have been transformed by you.
It is no longer us defending the vendors and confronting the pigs for them – vendors now defend each other and confront pigs alongside us, and without us. As the struggle sharpens, immigrant street vendor masses grow more fearless. This, in turn, makes us more fearless. There is a dialectical, meaning connected and changing, relationship between your bravery and our own. This relationship is driven primarily by class struggle and it is fueled by a growing militant unity among immigrant street vendor masses and relentless fury toward our enemies. This cyclical relationship is dangerous for our enemies and one day, it will be deadly. Historical materialism, which means that history is driven by material forces and made by the masses, has shown us it is a formula for invincibility.
That’s why our slogan is: “With unity and power, nothing is impossible!”
No to legal reforms, yes to building power!
History has shown us that legal reforms are poisonous to the masses. Reforms exist to protect capitalism against a rising working-class threat. Most people will not even see the benefits reforms falsely promise them, let alone be liberated by these bourgeois laws. Most immigrant street vendor masses, especially undocumented immigrants, will continue to be chased and terrorized by the police and ICE, no matter what the reformist law pretends to do for them.
Don’t fall into the trap of reformism, and be weary of those who call themselves socialists or Communists but don’t do anything for the people except yell at them to read their newspaper, like the Revolutionary Communist Party USA that hang around Jesse Brewer Jr. Park, also known as Turtle Park. Where were they when your personal property was being stolen? Where were they when your children were being handcuffed? Real Communists are with the masses. We call these people revisionists. Like reformists, revisionists may say things that sound good and true but at the end of the day they cannot be trusted.
The masses know they cannot rely on representatives of the same government that terrorizes them every day. They can only rely on their comrades in struggle, which are other advanced immigrant street vendor masses and the UDPR. Nothing will end oppression except the seizure of power.
This power must be used to take back the park, to kick out the Los Angeles County Department of Health workers and to terrify all pigs in the area. They must know we are a force to be reckoned with!
But the struggle will not end when we kick out County workers and the pigs. The struggle is a long and protracted one. It requires us to be active, optimistic, enthusiastic, militant and above all else to never lose faith in the masses. Without them, without you, we are nothing.
Together with the principally Maoist collective, Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA), and with the support of STPLA, we are daring to build something monumental and historical. We are students of history and we are defenders of our people. We know nothing changes unless you change it, unless you hit it. For this, we pledge our lives to you, the masses, and we dedicate ourselves to this end.
The political tasks of the UDPR are to fight, to produce and to mobilize. This means we are not just fighters. We are political educators, organizers and workers. If we do these tasks, the UDPR and the masses will establish revolutionary political power. Everything we do is about revolutionary political power. Without it, all else is illusion.
Like how the capitalists have their own army – the pigs – so too must the masses. Like how the capitalists have their own war, so too must the masses and especially the workers. But instead of the parasitic capitalist state’s army, we want a heroic and selfless People’s Army. And instead of an unjust war against the people, we want a People’s War against the capitalists. UDPR exists principally to create that army – starting first with small defense units guided by RGLA – and to fight that war.
Build the People’s Revolutionary Defense Units (UDPR)!
Build the People’s Army!
Long live the immigrant street vendor masses!
 For the full bill, go here: https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVersionsCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB946
 Bourgeois laws, however progressive they pretend to be, can never serve the people. Just like the pigs who enforce them, these laws exist to protect capitalism and this unequal and oppressive distribution of wealth.
 TALK WITH THE AMERICAN CORRESPONDENT ANNA LOUISE STRONG. https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-4/mswv4_13.htm
Edit: In the following document the Salvadoran Revolution of 1932 led by the Communist Party of El Salvador, principally Farabundo Martí, was incorrectly referred to as the First Salvadoran Socialist Revolution. However, during the era the fundamental contradiction in Salvadoran society was its bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudal and semi-colonial character. These fundamental contradictions can only be resolved, as theorized by Chairman Mao and Chairman Gonzalo, by New Democracy. The New Democratic Revolution is a joint progressive war led by the Communist Party and its allied bloc of classes, which is generally the proletariat, the peasantry, the petite-bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. The role of the New Democratic Revolution is to resolve the fundamental contradiction of imperialism strangling the national development and freedom of the oppressed nation and colony. Socialism cannot be contructed while the imperialist aggressor maintains hegemony over the oppressed nation and colony. The Communist Party of El Salvador as the one-time vanguard of the Salvadoran proletariat initiated the New Democratic Revolution as part of its general People’s War in 1932. After its defeat, the people of El Salvadar and its revolutionary military apparatuses re-took the rifle against the bourgeois state in the 1970s, uniting all progressive armed organizations in 1980 for the second installation of the People’s War. While the national situation in El Salvador is grim, there are progressive elements, such as the FPL-FM-GPP, that give us cautious hope.
Turning in rifles for ballots: against the FMLN, in defense of Comandante Marcial
As Central American Independence Day fast approaches, Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA) takes this important time to publicize our position and understanding of the historic Salvadoran Revolution, what is sometimes called the Salvadoran Civil War, but what more accurately should be described as the Salvadoran People’s War. It is a necessary critique of People’s War, as well as a necessary attack on the rightism of the FMLN then and now. The essay was written for the clarification and elevation of the Guiding Thought of Salvadoran People’s War, Cayetano Carpio known as Comandante Marcial, and most importantly as a call to the Salvadoran masses to embrace revolution and bombard the revisionist FMLN.
“When history cannot be written by the pen, it must be written with the rifle.” – Farabundo Martí
“This is what happened with the FMLN bourgeoisie and petite-bourgeoisie: they deviated from revolutionary principals and changed their course instead for elections and votes, and they turned in their rifles for ballot boxes filled with millions of dollars.” – the People’s Forces of Liberation – Farabundo Martí – Protracted People’s War – People’s War for Liberation (In Spanish, FPL-FM-GPP-GPL)
The Salvadoran masses carry with them wherever they go on earth a revolutionary legacy but also the cynicism and anger of having been ruthlessly betrayed by the former leaders of their heroic armed struggle, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (In Spanish, the FMLN).
In the U.S., the Central American masses in general number approximately 3.4 million . The Salvadoran masses, in particular, number approximately 1.5 million.  The big waves of Central American masses, in particular from El Salvador and Guatemala, began immigrating to the U.S., in particular California, fleeing the repressive state’s armed forces during the revolutions of the 1980s .
Prior to the merger of all five armed groups into the FMLN on October 10, 1980, after the assassination of Archbishop Monseñor Oscar Arnulfo on March 24 of that same year, hostilities between the proletariat and peasantry versus the big landlords and the bourgeoisie had been raging on for decades. Even prior to the October 15, 1979 military coup, where the reformist camp of the Salvadoran military took hold of the government in order to avoid a mass uprising and established a civilian-military junta. But the feeble government quickly dissolved and state power was usurped by the more reactionary and fascistic elements of the military.
On January 22, 1932, two years after the historic founding of the Communist Party of El Salvador (In Spanish, PCS) by Farabundo Martí, Miguel Marmol, Mario Zapata and Alfonso Luna, after organizing the indigenous peasants and the small proletariat, the Party launched an offensive against the Salvadoran government mostly in the western part of the country.
The indigenous Pipiles made up the majority of the peasants that participated in the revolution. While bourgeois historians claim that the Party had little-to-no influence over the indigenous masses and that it was merely coincidental that they rose up at the same time (!), we affirm that whether or not the Party organized all of the indigenous revolutionaries, they led the call and subsequent short-lived war. In other words, the PCS, principally led by Farabundo Martí, was the country’s vanguard. The vanguard acts in representation and servitude to the proletariat and the masses.
Bourgeois historians and their contemporary anti-communist dog followers cannot fathom a non-European Communist Party or non-European socialist revolution. This is where their criticism is borne from. And, yet, history shows us that the peasants are the natural allies of the small proletariat in semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries, like in China, Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and India. And such as El Salvador, where almost the entirety of the country’s land was owned by a handful of dynastic coffee farmer families.
During the January Insurrection – which should be more correctly called the New Democratic Revolution of El Salvador – the Salvadoran state suffered causalities, replete with attacks on state army barracks, selective annihilation of big landlords and other enemies of the people, attacks on haciendas and even the seizure of small cities and towns. The Party and its armed forces, although small, unleashed the torrent of fury of the masses, especially the exploited and oppressed indigenous peasants. With crude weapons in hand, mostly machetes, the masses and its Party led a heroic and historic attack against the rising bourgeoisie. This was in part, and not independent from, the 1917 Russian Revolution.
The New Democratic Revolution of El Salvador was an initiation in blood and gunfire. It was the necessary watering of the soil of revolution and socialism. And it did not happen isolated from the subsequent conflicts between the soon-to-be reconstituting armed Communist Party and the masses against the state.
Communist forces certainly retreated after the devastating defeat of the revolution and the massacre of 30,000 workers and peasants, which would later be known as “La Matanza,” the Massacre in English. But the violently antagonistic relationship between the peasants and the proletariat versus the big landlords and bourgeoisie raged on, peaking in the second initiation of armed struggle after the assassination of Oscar Romero, continuing the Salvadoran National-Democratic Revolution.
The Salvadoran New Democratic Revolution lasted 12 years, finally ending in January 16, 1992, interrupting the completion of its socialist arch. Its ending was not only premature but a complete betrayal with the FMLN, having lost the line struggle to the rightist revisionist camp, turned into its opposite and became a bourgeois political Party. The FMLN and all its five factions signed the treacherous Peace Accords in Chapultepec, Mexico, giving immunity to both guerrillas and the state’s repressive armed forces. The revolutionary war, the Salvadoran People’s War, was betrayed by the FMLN. It was a decision met with protest and struggle, of which continues today even within the FMLN.
A decisive proponent of the Peace Accords was El Salvador’s leading revisionist, Shafik Handal, former Chairman of the PCS. He embraced with open-arms the bourgeois political machinery. It was there he felt at home. He was a staunch opponent of Comandante Marcial and PPW, and he swooped in like a vulture as soon as the commander died to firmly regain the course of the FMLN straight into red capitalism.
Shafik would take the FMLN into the deepest recesses of revisionism, running for president and losing to the rightwing ARENA political party in 2004. While Shafik may not have won the presidency, a member of the Salvadoran national bourgeoisie Mauricio Funes would win it in 2009. After that, the FMLN has enjoyed its stay in presidential power into the present.
In fact, the country’s current president, Salvador Sanchez-Cerén, was a former leader of the most advanced guerrilla organization within the FMLN, the People’s Forces of Liberation (In Spanish, Fuerzas Populares de Liberación – Farabundo Martí (FPL-FM)). El Salvador’s current red capitalist president once fought side-by-side with one of the greatest Communist revolutionary strategists in the country’s entire history, Salvador Cayetano Carpio, also known as Comandante Marcial.
The following will spend a great deal of attention on Comandante Marcial and the FPL-FM as we assert them as the red line within the entire Salvadoran People’s War, beginning in 1932, suffering a long retreat and then again climaxing in the 1970s but ultimately suffering a devastating blow in 1992. Devastating but completely devastated.
But as Maoists we know that things can turn into their opposites. As Maoists, we know that line struggle exists everywhere and all the time, a constant battle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie reproduced by capitalism and its agents. This is true in and outside of the Party.
The FMLN was founded as an eclectic, armed, left-foundationalist coalition with competing political lines. Even before its construction, the five armed forces that joined to make up the FMLN, brought with them different lines. Some were Christian Socialists, hugely influenced by Oscar Romero and Liberation Theology. Others were Marxists-Leninists. And within the Marxists-Leninists, some were more staunch supporters of the social-imperialist Soviet Union and their Cuban lapdog. Others were eclectic leftists who had low-levels of organizational unity.
Each of the five armed groups had a corresponding front or Party:
1.) the Armed Forces of Liberation (In Spanish, FAL) was the armed wing of the PCS, forming in 1980.
2.) the Revolutionary Army of Central American Workers (In Spanish, ERTC) was the armed wing of the Revolutionary Party of Central American Workers (In Spanish, PRTC), forming in 1976.
3.) the Armed Front of the National Resistance (In Spanish, FARN) was the armed wing of the National Resistance (In Spanish, RN), forming in 1975.
4.) the People’s Revolution Army (In Spanish, ERP) was the armed wing of the Party of the Salvadoran Revolution (In Spanish, PRS), forming in 1972.
5.) the People’s Armed Forces of Liberation (In Spanish, FAPL) was the armed wing of the People’s Forces of Liberation – Farabundo Marti (FPL-FM), forming in 1970, the first armed Marxist-Leninist group.
But no other group was more militarily-politically advanced than the FPL-FM, led by its founder Comandante Marcial.
Comandante Marcial is known as the “Ho Chi Minh of El Salvador,” principally for his support of the Vietnamese-style method of People’s War. Comandante Marcial would focus with sharp Marxist precision on developing guerrillas, Support Bases and, as Mao had said, to be like fish and swim among the sea of masses.
Ho Chi Minh was a revolutionary, a Great Leader and liberator of the Vietnamese Nation from French colonialism and U.S. imperialism, who fought tirelessly, brazenly with full support and participation of the masses. Comandante Marcial, similarly, was a great political-military Marxist-Leninist leader, with prophetic visions of unleashing the fury of the militarized masses through revolutionary vengeance, particularly through the heroic and highly supported Revolutionary People’s Bloc (BPR in Spanish).
The RN and FARN had split from the ERP over line struggle on the role of the masses in the revolution, whereas a faction within the ERP, of which revolutionary poet and theorist Roque Dalton was a member, pushed for more incorporation of the masses into a prolonged revolutionary struggle. For this, Roque Dalton would eventually be executed under the orders of soon-to-be-traitor of the revolution and capitalist roader Joaquin Villalobos in May 10, 1975. The Joaquin Villalobos and Alejandro Rivas Mira-led militarist faction were more focoists, focusing primarily on armed actions and a quick seizure of power :
Mira’s vision of the revolution, which was shared by Villalobos’s and Rogel’s factions, was short-term and militaristic. A few spectacular actions, they maintained, timed to coincide with an uprising staged by their allies in the Salvadoran army, would be enough to spark a mass insurrection. The emphasis was on taking power, and doing it quickly. Dalton became the spokesman for the dissident view that the ERP’s priority should be a long-term effort to build a mass movement: they would gain power as a result of a complete social transformation. To that end, Sancho and Ramírez’s faction created a shadow structure within the ERP, the National Resistance, or RN. Though the disagreement about strategy began before Dalton’s arrival in El Salvador, Rivas Mira’s group considered him, in the words of one former militant, Roberto Cañas, to be ‘the brain’ behind all dissent.
Like Roque Dalton, the FPL-FM and BPR understood the mass-line method of Communist leadership as principally the tool for “mobiliz [ing] combatively all the popular sectors in the struggle for their immediate demands, as a means of incorporating the people to war”  but juxtaposed dialectically with the prolonged nature of People’s War. This was Comandante Marcial’s battle cry, which would continue to echo long after his death.
The Guiding Thought of Salvador Cayetano Carpio, Comandante Marcial
All class struggle produces leaders. All revolutions, specifically People’s Wars, produce a Guiding Thought. Comandante Marcial was just that. He joined the PCS in 1945 at the age of 28. After seeing his advanced grasp of Marxism and a promising future as a Communist militant, the Party sent him to Moscow to study in 1953, coming back in 1957 with a fiery mastery of Marxism-Leninism , heavily influenced by the world’s socialist revolutions. As an indirect pupil of Comrade Stalin, studying all the awe-inspiring revolutionary breakthroughs of Soviet socialist society, Comandante Marcial was forever marked with iron-like and unmovable revolutionary discipline. So much so that the revisionists of now and then have always painted him as an orthodox, sectarian, ideologue and dogmatist. But it is the genuine Marxist-Leninist of then, or the Maoist of today, that is and was called sectarian or orthodox or purist or even cultist. How many of the Red Guards collectives or our mass projects and organs have received this criticism – that we are picky who we work with? These revisionists are mad we don’t unite with them in coalitions or armed defense groups or “collectives,” that we don’t work with them! This is the telling signs of scared revisionists, needing to paint the genuine revolutionary Communists as enemies of reason and all sensibilities. To them, we are too Marxist. Too Communist. Too revolutionary. Too serious. Too determined to spill blood, our and theirs, for the glorious cause of Communism. It is not coincidence that the revisionists’ attacks on Comandante Marcial mirrors the opportunistic criticisms of the actual bourgeoisie. Revisionism is capitalism. Both revisionism and capitalism hate genuine armed Communists.
However, like the dangerous weed revisionism is, it did not spare the FPL-FM. Revisionism was being spread by one of the top leaders, Felipe Pena, who was pushing a phony Marxism influenced by Herbert Marcuse, Nicolas Poulantzas and other popular revisionists. Pena pushed for “revolutionary Christians” to be allowed into the FPL-FM, and overturning the organization’s commitment to atheism.
Under Pena, while Comandante Marcial was seriously sick and unable to command the FPL-FM, the organization grew quantitatively but suffered from a liquidation of Marxism. This, compounded with the rightism of La Comandante Ana María leading the armed organization’s most powerful mass organization the BPR, created a hegemony of revisionism within the FPL-FM. But luckily Pena died in battle in 1975 and Comandante Marcial was able to regain control.
Comandante Marcial, like both Chairman Mao and Chairman Gonzalo, was a critical Marxist thinker and even strategist-theorist of the economic-planning of the new socialist state, mastering the laws of contradictions and implementing the correct, concrete countrywide class analysis – the bloc of classes led by the proletariat with the militarized Communist Party at its head – understanding the underdevelopment of capitalism in agricultural-based El Salvador. El Salvador was and continues to be semi-feudal and semi-colonial. He knew that and applied the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist strategy of New Democratic Revolution to be guided principally by the FPL-FM and BPR.
While the PCS embraced a Central American-version of the arch-revisionism of the CPUSA’s Browder Party-liquidation and electoralism line (although they claimed to have defeated the Browderist line within the Party ), Comandante Marcial led the red faction and forged ahead with the FPL-FM and its reconstitution of the Communist Party of the New Type, an anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist. Comandante Marcial, while not a Maoist, and it is unsure how, if at all, influenced he was by Chairman Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru, was a genuine Marxist-Leninist searching for the cleansing fire of Maoism that was moving toward him – rising up from the Peruvian mountains of the Andes. Unfortunately, Comandante Marcial and the FPL-FM would not survive long enough to embrace it.
There are scant writings by Comandante Marcial or scholars and historians that can cite Mao’s influence on the commander. But some sources do say Comandante Marcial studied and applied strategies of People’s War from Chairman Mao. 
But nonetheless, since Maoism is universal and its universalities transcend time and space, it is not strange that some were located within the FPL-FM, and principally Comandante Marcial as the main author and theoretician. As leader, he popularized the militarization of the Communist Party and the masses and the concentric construction of the three instruments of revolution, giving special focus on the people’s militias under the command of the People’s Army:
In a very short period, guided by the science of Marxism-Leninism applied to the concrete conditions of El Salvador and Central America, through the politico-military strategy of Prolonged War of the People, it has been able to develop as a revolutionary organization that moves firmly towards its conversion into a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary political Party of the working class, has been able to create the guerrilla and consolidate it in the Salvadoran territory, as a strategic means for the formation of the People’s Liberation Army, has achieved deep organized influence in broad sectors of the people directing it and orienting it actively in its combative struggles and begins to deepen it in the industrial working class; and has begun to form the armed organizations for -military: militias.
But the FPL-FM is not without fault. In fact, they committed grave errors and upheld revisionist lines. After all, they were never Maoists. In fact, “Maoist” was often used as a “deprecating label” by some guerrillas groups, mostly against the ERP – for their criticism of the Soviet Union and Cuba and Salvadoran nationalism, even though they were against Mao’s China.  This disastrous understanding of what Maoism was during the 1980s would seal the fate, not just of the ERP but the entire FMLN – for if a Marxist-Leninist organization does not uphold the universality of PPW, the concentric construction of the three instruments of revolution, the militarization of the Party and the development of Great Leadership and a Guiding Thought, its revolution is doomed to deformity and ultimate failure.
A consistent error maintained by the FPL-FM since its formation in 1970 was its support of the social-imperialism of the Soviet Union, from Khrushchev to Gorbachev. The FPL-FM held the revisionist line that Vietnam was socialist. In tandem, they also remained suspiciously silent on the historic Sino-Soviet split – with Soviet social-imperialism backing the Vietnamese – not even denouncing the Chinese revolutionaries. It’s inexcusable for Comandante Marcial not to have intervened in these line struggles and assert the correct proletarian line over the revisionist bourgeois line. But the commander had his sins and the International Communist Movement can take those errors, look upon them, study them, and learn from them.
Struggle from within the Party: the fight against Salvadoran revisionism
When the stone-cutter
finds his hammer brokern
just before beginning his daily work
he thinks about having a better and more powerful tool
and doesn’t accuse the stone of being ultra-left
because of its restraint and tenacious nature.
-Roque Dalton, “Moral on the tool.”
The CP split in two in the face of the situation
the majority who accepted ceased to be ultraleftists
while keeping the name,
the minority who decided to continue being ultraleftists
left the tent led by a baker
named Salvador Cayetano Carpio.
Afterward two ultraleftist organizations rose up
the Popular Forces of Liberation – “Farabundo Marti” –
and the Revolutionary Army of the People – “ERP”-
with the intention that in the future
the authentic Salvadoran ultraleftists
would have what they damn well need, to be ultraleftists
to the end
that is, until the seizure of power
as ultraleftistly as necessary in this country
dominated by the ultraright.
– Roque Dalton, “Ultraleftists.”
After coming back from studying in the Soviet Union, Comandante Marcial rose to leadership of the Party in 1964, becoming General-Secretary, where he developed the thesis of a Protracted People’s War in El Salvador as the only means of constructing socialism. His line, with only a minority of support, was defeated and attacked as “ultraleftist” by the rightist majority. The rightist line was a cowardly call for the peaceful “accumulation of forces” and in waiting for the “objective conditions to change.” Shafik Handal, at that time, was already in several leading positions within the Party, remaining firmly planted in the rightist camp. In 1973 he would be elected the last General-Secretary of the Party  and its miserable ending history.
To rightists everything revolutionary and Marxist is “ultraleftist,” just as how Roque Dalton sarcastically portrays it in both poems, “Moral on the tool” and “Ultraleftists.” Comandante Marcial and the red faction left the Party in 1969 but on April 1, 1970, they founded the FPL-FM. This was the first armed Marxist-Leninist guerrilla that would go on to join the five FMLN groups .
Due to the lack of internal documents available to the public on the intense line struggle within the Party during that time, we are forced to assume it wasn’t possible, with their particular conditions, to expel or eliminate the rightists from the Party. Since rupture is the basis of all progress and transformation, Comandante Marcial was forced to take on the historic task of reconstructing the highest, most advanced militarized organization for the Salvadoran proletariat, the new Communist Party of El Salvador. Where the revisionist PCS failed to mature into the vanguard for the Salvadoran masses and the proletariat, the FPL-FM would pick up the red banner of Communism and continue the Party building project anew. The Salvadoran Revolutionary Action (In Spanish, ARS) was the country’s first armed leftist group, formed in 1968, but they quickly deviated into militarism and dissolved.
The battle against revisionism is more than a century old but rages on fiercer than ever. Today what is Marxism is more correctly understood as having developed through the historic People’s War and revolutionary struggles of the 20th Century, discovering new universal truths – all encapsulated within the Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, but illuminated by the Great Leaders and Guiding Thoughts of the 1917 Russian Revolution, the 1949 Chinese Revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and of course the Peruvian People’s War.
But the revisionism of each epoch claims Marxism while it hides, sometimes better than other times, the hidden capitalism within it. So, today, when it is asked, when we are asked, what does it mean to be a Communist? The Soviet Union and Socialist China are no more. But the People’s Wars of Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and India rage on – without a socialist power. And so it’s tempting for Marxists and so-called Marxists to claim the era of revolution over, our Strategic Offensive. It is easy to retreat into defeatism and claim Marxism as a comfortable, defanged and safe-and-legal ideology, snuggly nestled in the cold graveyard of bourgeois academia.
But today, when we say Communist, when we say Marxist, we mean Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist. We are not Marxists, for that negates the contributions of Lenin and Stalin. We are not Marxists-Leninists, for that negates the contributions of Mao and Gonzalo. We say we are Maoists, and we carry with us all the immortal contributions of our Great Leaders, principally Mao and Gonzalo.
Comandante Marcial and the FPL-FM, even without publically hoisting up Chairman Mao’s immortal contributions, nevertheless applied them to El Salvador – a peculiar revisionism struggling within itself, that of refusing to rupture with the revisionism and social-imperialism of the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death. Comandante Marcial and the FPL-FM are not exempt from some egregious errors and positions, which will be explored shortly.
Through the Maoist strategy of New Democracy all allied and oppressed social classes are subordinate to the proletariat and its Party’s directives. The Communist Party leads the Cultural Revolution with the direct involvement of the militarized masses in eradicating bourgeois ideology lingering on after the seizure of political power through the smashing and restructuring of the bourgeois state. Comandante Marcial knew this. He knew how important socialist education was as a vital component of the New Democratic, or national-democratic, Revolution:
The intense ideological education and elevation of the level of political consciousness of the masses of their revolutionary initiative; the intense work of revolutionary persuasion for the reeducation towards Socialism of broad masses of small and medium-sized producers of the city and countryside, of small and medium-sized businesses and other small and medium-sized sectors linked to private property; as well as the less advanced sectors of the middle strata to understand the need to move on to the construction stage of Socialism and to collaborate with the proletariat and the poor peasantry in this historic step. 
He borrowed much of his military strategy and theories from Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese People’s War, but also forged ahead by elevating and maintaining Marxism-Leninism as humanity’s true proletarian ideology which, if kept in the militarized hands of the masses, if the proletariat’s red flag remains flying, if genuine Communists fight in the life-or-death line struggle against revisionist capitalists within the Communist Party, and if the armed Party commands the Protracted People’s War, victory is guaranteed. Not just for the Salvadoran masses but for all the Central American masses – of which he constantly reaffirmed his undying loyalty! Comandante Marcial was a true internationalist, much like Chairman Mao or Gonzalo who knew of their historic position waging People’s War. Like Gonzalo and Maríategui, Comandante Marcial would pry away Farabundo Martí from the clutches of the revisionist and place him on his rightful place as the founder and Great Leader of the Salvadoran masses. Like Farabundo Martí, Comandante Marcial, would continue what the PCS failed to do: unite all the masses of Central America into one People’s Army:
Agustín Farabundo Martí did not conceive the revolutionary struggle of our people with a narrow chauvinistic criterion, but in all its Central American and Latin American breadth, going in practice to fight in the mountains of Nicaragua. The FPL has, as the basis of its strategy, the historical need to unify the revolutionary struggle of the Central American peoples, until the creation of the Central American People’s Army, for the definitive victory of the Revolution in our peoples.
Comandante Marcial also goes on to say, that:
The figure of Agustín Farabundo Martí inspires the current revolutionary combatants, in the ideological struggle against the pseudo-revolutionary positions of the false Communists, who have abandoned the combative tradition of our people and the principles and methods on which they sustained their struggles [with the] worker-peasant generation of those years. His figure allows the current combatants to resume the tradition of radical struggle of the mass struggles and the tradition of armed struggle of our people, which the pseudo-revolutionaries, opportunists and false Communists, have tried to interrupt by becoming instruments of the bourgeoisie for pacify the rebellion of the Masses.
This was Comandante Marcial. The great unifier of the most progressive social classes and sectors of El Salvador, particularly focusing primarily on the proletariat and then the peasantry. The great torch of anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism carried through the darkest nights of Salvadoran revisionism. This was and continues to be the red faction’s Guiding Thought since the founding of the FPL-FM, through the Second Salvadoran Revolution up until the present. The revolutionary legacy of Comandante Marcial and his Guiding Thought lives on in the rebellious spirit of the Salvadoran masses who have grown cynical of these false Communists of the FMLN, who have grown angry at the revisionist snakes who do nothing while the most reactionary elements of the Salvadoran bourgeoisie and big landlords continue with their exploitation and oppression, happily striving under the FMLN administration. But wherever there is darkness, there is a light, even if it is but a weak spark refusing to be extinguished.
The lies and treachery against the Salvadoran PPW and Comandante Marcial
On April 6, 1983, the second in command of the FPL-FM Dr. Mélida Anaya Montes better known as La Comandante Ana María, was assassinated in her home in Managua, Nicaragua. A one-time leader of the BPR and member of the FMLN’s General Command, she exerted powerful influence not only over the FPL-FM and its organisms but also within the FMLN.
The story of her assassination, as well as her legacy, is contested by many. All the revisionists uphold her as a great leader, despite her rightism and anti-Party politics.
La Comandante Ana María must be remembered for what she was, what she eventually turned into: her opposite. She attempted to liquidate the armed struggle in favor for quick peace negotiations with the reactionary Salvadoran government. Comandante Marcial and her would have intense and sharp line struggle over the central question of PPW and the Communist seizure of political power – whereas Comandante Marcial upheld the line of revolutionary violence and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat through proletarian war, La Comandante Ana María favored capitulation to capitalism.
Many, including leadership within the FPL-FM and FMLN, accused Comandante Marcial of her killing, having masterminded it to continue the PPW and neutralize the rightism within the revolutionary movement. So let us be clear: although Comandante Marcial was proven innocent, it would not have been wrong to have been the mastermind of her assassination. In revolution, there is excess and necessary sacrifice. Friendship can only mean the political position an ally of the proletariat and its organization occupies within an analysis of the concrete conditions. We don’t put friends above politics. We certainly don’t put friends above revolution. Imagine if Chairman Mao were to have asked for the Party and the masses to forgive the rightist of his former friend and comrade-in-arms Lin Biao? We don’t liquidate struggle for the sake of maintaining friendship. We liquidate friendship for the maintaining and advancement of revolutionary struggle!
The bourgeoisie’s official line, which is now the FMLN, is anti-Communist, unscientific and filled with inconsistencies and strange un-Marxist claims – grasping for straws – at making sense of the two tragedies. But that’s giving the FMLN too much credit; they embarked on a character assassination campaign against Marcial, citing so-called video evidence of a confession by the actual killer of La Comandante Ana María, FPL-FM Central Committee member Marcelo, saying he received direct orders from Comandante Marcial. However, this contradicted the actual testimony of Marcelo in court in Nicaragua (where the killing took place) who said Comandante Marcial had nothing to do with the assassination of La Comandante Ana María.
These traitors of the FPL-FM and FMLN, knowing the true anti-revisionist Marxist hegemony of Comandante Marcial, weren’t going to bend for revisionism. Like all great reversals, the rightist within the FPL-FM and the FMLN, which including Shafik Handel co-leading the attack, took this time as an opportunity to conveniently to attack the left and blame the setbacks of the Salvadoran PPW on the FPL-FM and principally Comandante Marcial. They used him as the Marxist-Leninist Boogeyman, similar to how Khrushchev used Stalin’s death as the prime opportunity to attack the construction of socialism and instead build capitalism in its place.
He knew the assassination and subsequent allegations against him was a conspiracy against the revolution because he and the FPL-FM represented the correct Marxist-Leninist line in the entire FMLN. And the FMLN feared and hated it, especially because Comandante Marcial was part of the General Command of the FMLN. His revolutionary leadership and political line, as a Guiding Thought, polarized the country: you belonged only in one of two camps, the revolutionary or the enemy. Revisionism is relegated to the latter, and it was from there that FMLN traitors conspired against Comandante Marcial to effectively liquidate his revolutionary leadership and tear apart his influence. The FMLN traitors knew just how to do this. They couldn’t kill him because that would have enshrined him as a martyr to be avenged by the militarized masses and loyal revolutionaries within the FMLN and FPL-FM to bombard the General Command and cease control. The FMLN knew this. Instead what they decided on was far more vicious and effective: the assassination of his revolutionary character, particularly in spreading the lie that he was this ruthless killer devoid of trust and camaraderie. In other words, the FMLN conspired to destroy Comandante Marcial as the Guiding Thought of the Salvadoran Revolution.
And unfortunately, as part of FMLN’s greater betrayal of the revolution, it worked. On April 12, 1983, Comandante Marcial was driven to commit suicide in temporary-yet-severe political demoralization. After finding out of the treachery of his fellow Central Committee members, who worked in unison with the FMLN rat-traitors, the revolutionary military strategist could not overcome the high-treason committed against him, against Marxism, against the masses, and against the revolution.
Revolutionary Communists are not immune to demoralization, even Great Leadership. Bends in the revolutionary road toward Communism are sure to rise up. They are natural. It would be strange and suspect for the road to Communism to be easy and a straight line. If any one, especially leadership, promises you a frictionless, peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism, they should be shot dead where they stand, right then and there, for they are traitors to the revolution and dangerous peddlers of poison.
It must be understood that the mishandling of the liquidation of La Comandante Ana María , and not her actual assassination, as well as the suicide of Comandante Marcial were the final mortal blows to the FPL-FM. They would never recover and devolve into rightism, eclecticism, anti-Marxism and eventual dissolution and liquidation into the rightist headquarters of the FMLN.
But shortly after his death, a group emerged within the FPL-FM who saw through all the murky revisionism and treachery against the Great Leader Comandante Marcial: El Frente Clara Elizabeth Ramirez (FCER)  who would, for a short while, continue with the armed struggle but independent of the FMLN and the surviving and deformed FPL-FM.
April 12 must be a time to remember Comandante Marcial. It should be included in the International Communist Movement as a day of commemoration for the great martyr of the Salvadoran People’s War. It should adorn our political calendars and remind us that it is a time to reflect, to reaffirm Marxism as the proletariat’s guiding ideology – today we call it Maoism – on the march toward Communism.
Today, the vile Salvadoran revisionists continue to commit the highest crimes against the masses and its former vanguard, the FLP-FM, by slandering the name and memory of Comandante Marcial (including the late arch-revisionist snake Handal). They repeat the bourgeois lies about him, that he was an egocentric, power-hungry tyrant. In particular, arch-revisionist professor of philosophy at the University of Central America Ricardo Ribera Sala accuses Comandante Marcial of standard text-book, anti-Communist slander: that he was “sectarianist,” “dogmatic,” “divisive” for the FMLN and revolutionary movement, that he was a confused and bad military strategist, having confusingly applied, seeking to mimic the Vietnamese, the method of PPW.
These revisionist snakes speak with a fork tongue; from one side of their mouth they attempt to praise Comandante Marcial, hoist him up as one of the great Salvadoran Communist revolutionaries, and through the other side of their mouth they, they attack him as viciously at the anti-Communists. This is because revisionists are anti-Communists!
The FMLN’s wartime slogan, like that of the FPL-FM, was “Revolution or death!” but soon after the death of Comandante Marcial and the last anti-revisionist spark of the fire of Communism, it turned into “Revolution or bourgeois integration!”
The FPL-FM today: the potential for revolution or the perpetuation of errors
As of today, the FPL-FM has been reconstituted as the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación – Farabundo Martí – Guerra Popular Prolongada – Guerra Popular de Liberación (FPL-FM-GPP-GPL). Although they are not Maoist and continue to maintain some of the erroneous lines of the first FPL-FM, they remain the most advanced Communist formation in El Salvador.
The FPL-FM-GPP-GPL calls itself the Communist Party of the New Type of El Salvador. They uplift Comandante Marcial as their Guiding Thought and adhere to the Revolutionary Tendency as opposed the hegemonic Democratic Tendency. Their ideological line, as stated on their website, is Marxism-Leninism Salvador Cayetano Carpio Thought .
While a lot of information is not public on the FPL-FM-GPP-GPL, enough is available to say that they represent the red line within the country drowning in a sea of rightism and revisionism. They rightfully condemn the capitalist FMLN government. They name the FMLN revisionists – especially Shafik Handal – as enemies of the people. They sharply criticize and condemn the liquidation of the armed struggle and the necessity for a genuine Communist Party leading the Salvadoran masses and proletariat. They envision themselves as being the new Communist Party, but also understand that they are currently in a prolonged reconstitution era.
We cannot succumb to dishonesty and idealistically paint Comandante Marcial and the FPL-FM as Maoists as much as we would wish. No, an honest account and investigation of the Salvadoran Second Revolution, which we have argued was an untheorized and incomplete Protracted People’s War, is needed. We are Marxists. We don’t hide from reality. The FPL-FM represented the correct line in the struggle against rightism, but they, too, suffered from internal rightism and revisionism. They refused to acknowledge the revolutionary shining example of Chairman Mao and revolutionary China and then Peru with Chairman Gonzalo and the PCP.
As mentioned earlier, one huge error of the FPL-FM and Comandante Marcial was dogmatic, mechanical tailing of the “socialist camp” represented by the revisionist Soviet Union. They dogmatically and liberally toted the social-imperialist line of the internationalist revisionist movement. However, the present day FPL-FM-GPP-GPL stands firmly against Cuba and their revisionist national bourgeois government, where once they upheld Cuba as socialist.
Another error was the merger with the FMLN. This effectively liquidated the FPL-FM, as the only anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist line in the entire country, into an eclectic armed revisionism and then capitalist capitulation – although Comandante Marcial would not live to see this end and was not there to lead the line struggle against the rightists in the FPL-FM and FMLN. The FPL-FM’s course, as Comandante Marcial would say time and time again, was to reconstitute the Communist Party of El Salvador. But that couldn’t have been done while sacrificing Communist politics for “leftist” politics as represented by the FMLN – especially when you are literally fighting in the trenches side-by-side with the remnants of the revisionist PCS!
But the FPL-FM, nonetheless, represented the necessary aggressor against Salvadoran revisionism – with Marcial leading that attack. The FPL-FM, under Marcial, would have never signed the Peace Accords. They very well may have liquidated the entire General Command or place them in a People’s Tribunal and unleash the furious militarized masses to rip them to shreds.
And it is that Carpio did not fight for a simple democratic opening but for an anti-capitalist revolution, with ideology. Marxist-Leninist and the strategy of protracted people’s war, based on the worker-peasant alliance with proletarian hegemony. In short: impose a dictatorship of the proletariat as a transition phase to socialism. 
Comandante Marcial may have been on his way in becoming El Salvador’s Chairman Mao or Presidente Gonzalo but mortally interrupted by internal revisionism. Comandante Marcial died, not be suicide, but by his slowness (we refuse to say inability) in grasping Maoism. The living mountains of Ayacucho, with fiery Peruvian hammer and sickles burning on their sides, would unfortunately never reach his eyes. And, until this day, Maoism still remains a non-existent current in the country.
Today the FPL-FM-GPP-GPL continues to reconstitute itself, organizing and training daily while they establish and nurture mass links. The FPL-FM-GPP-GPL continues to call on the militarization of the masses and the creation of guerrilla units for the People’s Liberation Army and the People’s Liberation Militias, in particular through the FAPL and the Proletarian Popular Progressive Patriotic Front for National Liberation (FPLN in Spanish).
They, according to their “Revolutionary Message on April 1, 2017 ,” will return in a great and historic entry into the battlefield later on this year (2018), leading the armed militarized masses to socialism through the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, which they have named as the worker-peasant aligned Revolutionary Democratic Government (GDR in Spanish).
If the FPL-FM is able to liquidate from its ranks and ideology all the revisionism and embrace the highest proletarian ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, the new phase within the Salvadoran Revolution is invincible.
The FPL-FM-GPP-GPL should be turned into the Salvadoran’s machine of hate exacting revolutionary vengeance on the class traitors of the FMLN and even former rightist FPL-FM members. For if revisionism is allowed to grow like a weed its roots can grow stubbornly deeper and be harder to remove. The Party and its armed forces will, if guided by Maoism and without mercy, cleanse the country of the treacherous red capitalism of the FMLN.
For now, the FPL-FM-GPP-GPL has retaken the historic task of building the Vanguard for the Salvadoran proletariat, a genuine militarized Communist Party. RGLA looks to them as potential continuators of the Salvadoran PPW, but also warns the Salvadoran masses, abroad and here, to not allow any pre-Party formation to perpetuate the errors of the previous revolution. The time for revolution is now! The time for revisionism is over!
A call to the Salvadoran masses, abroad and at home
Guanacos, the Salvadoran people, in the motherland: we send revolutionary greetings! We wish nothing but the best for our families in El Salvador. We wish nothing but the best for you! Our hearts ache at the treachery you have to live under that calls itself “red” or “socialist” but is only capitalism with the mask of Marxism.
As comrades living in the prison-house of oppressed nations of the United States, we cannot understand fully the contradictions that exist in El Salvador, but we are familiar with much of it because many of us and our supporters were born there, speak to our families in El Salvador often, and have spent time there recently.
We know our older family members are still traumatized from the war. For many, you cannot wear, say, or do anything politically-left without them being reminded of the many casualties of war, pleading for you to stay quiet. We know that the masses were indoctrinated into believing that Communists were devils, mass murderers who would go as far as eating babies and even turn older people into soap – yes, literally soap. Much of this bourgeois propaganda lives on today. Many remember resisting meant massacres, meant decapitation, meant never being seen again, meant the end of living and the beginning of endless death as the state tortured you for the rest of your short lives. This trauma has been passed down to other generations too, even generations who saw no war. We know this is true because the reactionary violence never stopped.
But, we cannot let fear impede us from living and struggling. We know there will be no end to the reactionary violence as long as capitalism continues to exist.
MS-13 and 18th Street have been some of the strongest initiators of day-to-day violence in the country since the end of the war. We understand that disenfranchised proletarian and semi-proletarian youth joined defensive units to protect themselves from harassment, that many grew up without any family to guide them or provide them a loving-humble home, that many were undocumented and had difficulties finding jobs, and that many of the youth who find themselves in this precarious conditions have committed no violent crimes and are victims to their circumstances. But we also know that some of the proletarian and semi-proletarian youth can be won over through class struggle.
In El Salvador, there are neighborhoods you cannot enter without permission. There are neighborhoods with sundown-curfews (a leftover from war), where buses are no longer allowed to commute, where permission needs to be asked if family can visit or if gatherings can be held, where cars must come into the neighborhood without headlights at night or face instant repercussion. There are families who have not seen each other in years for fear of being murdered.
These pockets throughout the country faces so much unheard of reactionary violence that many within the community even yearn for the times during the Salvadoran Protracted People’s War filled with more peaceful moments.
These gangs, these huge drug cartels, have power within many sectors of the government, including the repressive state. They are not low-level thieves. These cartels function as capitalists themselves. Their power is not challenged by ARENA, GANA, or the FMLN; their power, and the fear that comes with it, relies on the state maintaining capitalist hegemony and from keeping the New Power from emerging.
Yes, trauma and fear is alive and well in our country. There is no mistaking it and it must be challenged but only effectively through the class struggle. Their power will go unchallenged as long as the masses of people remain unorganized against predatory drug pushers, pimps and the reactionary state. Their power goes unchallenged as long as anti-imperialists and anti-capitalists continue to think that change can come from within the bourgeoisie state. Have we not learned the lessons of the revisionist FMLN after all these years?
Reactionary violence will not stop as long as capitalism is alive. But, since the end of the war, imperialism has only dug its claws deeper into our country. After the Peace Accords, and especially after the signing of CAFTA, imperialist laws have been implemented left and right leaving our communities in a precarious state. What did the dollarization of our economy accomplish? Who was that change created for? Why do people who make five dollars a day have to pay five dollars for a basic plate of food? None of this makes sense for the masses. These changes were made for the benefit of the bourgeoisie and nothing more.
When those of us in the U.S have gone to see our families we even see similar aspects of gentrification: “Compramos casas”, “Vendan sus casas hoy!” and similar signs are posted in key places throughout the capital of San Salvador and elsewhere where redevelopment is taking place. These changes are not being made for our families or yourself. They are displacing entire communities in order to attract more capital. They are creating pockets of “safe spaces” where tourists can feel comfortable and safe as they look down on our people and admire our culture from afar. None of this is easier to see than in the capital where slums are emerging left and right, where traffic is reaching unforeseen levels and where the bourgeoisie are carving out tourist destinations at the expense of the proletarian communities there. But this applies to the entirety of the country, since its beauty is endless and a bourgeois-vulture will commodify and destroy anything for the sake of money.
“Creating specific tourist destinations while destroying the rest of the country and its nature,” that is the bourgeoisie slogan. The bourgeoisie are literally taking steps to destroy entire future generations in El Salvador. The deforestations and water contamination in our country are at critical levels. In fact, El Salvador is the second most deforested country in Latin America after Haiti and an estimated 90 percent of the water  is deemed contaminated and unsafe to drink by international standards. 
Where will our future generations live, our children? What will they drink? The transnational companies, the primary reason for these atrocities, do not care about anything besides their wealth. Politicians, even the so-called “leftists,” are bought and sold on the market regardless of intentions. They betray the masses as soon as they become politicians and guide others to believe that change can come from the ballot box. They will preach and preach until the end of time that change will come from within as our families drink, eat, and breathe poison.
The masses understood all this which is why in Cabañas they mobilized to make sure their water was not contaminated any further. They fought and struggled for years, many being targeted by death squads, many being murdered in cold blood, stuffed down old wells, and the rest forced to leave. Yes, some in the government stood against OceanaGold and Pacific Rim, and in the end a law was passed banning mining for metal in the country, and gold mining was also scaled back. But what does it say that this government, regardless of party lines, has put itself in a supposed predicament where millions of lives can be put at risk by the actions of a corporation (we know better: capitalism knows nothing but capital and power, not human life). Due process is what the legal “left” wants. Due process where one corporation has an equal say as millions of lives. This is your government. This is what the FMLN now stands for. To hell with OceanaGold, to hell with Pacific Rim, to hell with the World Bank, to hell with the reactionary state and to hell with revisionists in power!
Revisionists only offer us deception. Their words are empty. Their treaties are with class enemies who never forfeited their power and never will through reasoning. The Peace Accords allowed war criminals, drenched in the blood of our families, to walk free. Through their actions they tell us, “Let us forget these crimes and let us work together with the enemy; let us shout empty words at imperialists and then tell the masses imperialist laws are necessary to build our economy; let us forsake our comrades who would have aimed their guns at us if they had known what we would become; let us tarnish the name of our revolutionary martyrs Farabundo Martí, Miguel Marmol, Mario Zapata. Feliciano Ama, Alfonso Luna and Comandante Marcial and countless others!”
Revisionists, through their actions, show us that they missed the essence of the war and the essence of who their enemy is. The enemy was not a handful of individuals controlling the state – the enemy remains the entire bourgeoisie state! They, by integrating themselves into the bourgeoisie state, have made themselves the enemy to the people. They are now the ones to tell us to hush and stay quiet instead of rebelling – in fact we no longer need to rebel since the government is supposedly socialist and for the people! They are they ones who send the police when we continue to rebel. They are the ones that seek no retribution. They will be the future Sandinistas gunning down rebellious youth as they grasp for a breath of fresh air and proletarian power.
The war, as part of our country’s longer PPW, is at a temporary bend and will not be over until we continue our historic necessity. The bourgeoisie state will not fall unless we hit it. The revolution and our future proletarian state must be guided by a genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist, Communist Party of El Salvador, by the People’s Army, and by the United Front! As Lenin said, “Everything is illusory except power!”
To all the Guanacos in the United States, especially here in Los Angeles, to El Departamento 15: the only international solidarity is organizing towards People’s War here and nothing less. International solidarity is not writing an academic paper to be read by other academics disconnected from the class struggle. It is not about working for a nonprofit that attempts to orientate toward the Salvadoran masses, giving them Band-Aids for mortal wounds. It is not having workshops or cultural events disconnected from revolutionary politics. International solidarity is organizing to end capitalism where you are at and that can only be accomplished through waging Protracted People’s War. People’s War until we have Communism everywhere on earth.
All of our families or most of our families came here illegally. Many perished and continue to perish in their journeys to the United States. They have to traverse three borders, evade drug cartels, xenophobic and chauvinist Mexicans who blame all their problems on immigrants, having to make sure they don’t fall off the train and potentially end up under it. Our people have to make sure they are not sold for body parts, that they are not caught and sold into prostitution. The Salvadoran masses cross a dangerous desert of death, and, evade fascists white supremacists and the state in order not be caught. The road is not easy, but each year more of our families join us.
Now, over one-third of our families live outside of the motherland, most in the United States and most in Los Angeles. But what now? The precariousness in the lives of our families never ends. Many are undocumented to begin with, but more will become so once TPS completely ends. The detention center population is increasing exponentially and our families are the target-commodities. These prisons are being run for profit, are being run to show that the government is doing “it’s job on the war on immigrants.” The fear within our families is only increasing. Many are refusing to go to hospitals. Many fear going to their jobs, sending their children to school for fear of never seeing them again. That FEAR. It never ends.
But our community knows how to survive! They find every way possible to survive and live! Not only that, but they find ways not only for themselves, but for their entire families too. It doesn’t matter if they live day-to-day, month-to-month as long as the remittances get sent back home enough for our families to eat.
No calls to “Abolish ICE”, “Abolish Detention Centers,” “Abolish” anything will work (which ironically, essentially, are all reforms). No pleas, no calls, no lobbying, no marching, nothing deemed legal by the state will work. All roads are dead ends, unless they have revolutionary theory to guide their way and put their words into practice.
Now, a new contradiction arises in our communities: gentrification. Our nation’s people, who are forced to flea from its country, is now being evicted again. Rents are going through the roof and now entire families have to find room in a crowded bed, find space on the floor, use those sofa pillows as makeshift beds in order to afford to pay rent. This country treats us like a nuisance, a nuisance it happily shoves into corners as it extorts all the money we make – through exploitation and oppression. It is time we organize, militarize and fight back violently.
The revisionists in the FMLN told us, “We fought the war so that you would not have to.” These revisionists betray us and our families. They missed the essence of the People’s War. The war is not over and neither is our will. The time to organize is now. Learn from Comandate Marcial and the revolutionary FPL-FM, the FAPL and the BPR. Look to Serve the People – Los Angeles and the Unidades de Defensa Populares Revolucionarias. Look to our people and class! Because nothing less than People’s War will bring about the final victory. Nothing less than our courage to stand up for what is right will create the change our communities so desperately need. Come! Salvatruchas, join us! Join us in our vision! Join us as we grow and progress! Join us on this road to Communism! Join us as we fight! Because if you’re not fighting, then you’re already dead.
Long live the Salvadoran masses!
Long live Comandante Marcial!
Long live the Salvadoran People’s War!
From the barrios to the favelas: revindication through People’s Wars for Igor Mendes!
“We reaffirm what we have said over the years: FIGHTING IS NOT A CRIME! Crime is the state of calamity offered to the people in the line of hospitals, crime is the lack of space in public nurseries, crime is the expensive and overcrowded buses, crime is what is practiced daily in the favelas (slums), bloody by the genocide of black and poor people. These are crimes! And these crimes, be sure, will not go unpunished forever.” – Declaration of the [Brazilian] Activists Condemned by the 2013-2014 Manifestations
Two months ago 23 activists in Brazil, including Comrade Igor Mendes da Silva, were sentenced to five-to-13 years in prison for protesting against the devastatingly anti-people FIFA World Cup. The world soccer championship is like an Armageddon for the masses in the host country, especially in reactionary and fascistic countries in Latin America. The mass-scale countrywide urban redevelopment that followed the World Cup was an assault on the Brazilian masses, literally destroying entire peasant and proletarian neighborhoods and nearly pushing the Brazilian masses off the shores and into the sea.
Approximately one million people poured into the streets in protest to the World Cup. While different political lines existed within the mass movement, all the masses united on one thing: that they will not go easily.
That revolutionary commitment and discipline is embodied in the student and young Communist leader Igor Mendes. He is not deterred sitting behind bars. His spirit, his Communist morale, is not dampened. Like all Communists, like all Maoists, he calls on his comrades to continue the struggle forward.
As Igor Mendes and his comrades defiantly state in their public declaration: the fight for the 23 activists is a fight for everyone in Brazil – and as our Red Guards comrades add, it is an international fight against capitalism-imperialism:
“If they accuse us of this, we must accept with pride what our executioners say. Because that’s exactly what we did; that is, we fought. Everyone needs to understand that it is our entire generation that they seek to condemn and intimidate with this infamous sentence. But they will not accomplish that: we carry the stubbornness of those who insist on having faith in life, faith in the struggle, faith in the people. The stubbornness of the thousands who marched at Saens Peña Square on the day of the World Cup final just hours after dozens of activists were arrested and sent to Bangu’s Penitentiary Complex. We choose a side, and it is not the oppressors’ side. If they accuse us of all this, then we have to be thankful.”
Brazil prioritized the aesthetics of international capital and investment, the lure of a modern metropolitan Rio de Janeiro, Brazília, São Paulo and Fortaleza. Brazil wanted the world to see its near-opulent beauty, the shining new soccer stadiums, never mind that beneath those structures was the still-wet blood and broken bones of Brazilian proletarians who were killed during their construction.
This is the progress the vampiric comprador and vile bureaucratic bourgeoisie of Brazil promised. And they lived up to their promises!
So what else is there left to do when the corrupt and vicious Brazilian state reigns down on the people? The people, under revolutionary Communist leadership, fight back! They rebel, and as Maoists we all know it is right to rebel!
International support from the International Communist Movement continues to grow for Igor Mendes and the Brazilian revolutionary movement. The Brazilian masses, including friends, comrades and families of the 23 activists, have rallied in support of the political prisoners. Protestors continue to face off with the militarized Brazilian police. Lessons are everywhere. This is yet but another reminder that all capitalist states are militarized – it would be foolish suicide for Communist Parties, as Chairman Gonzalo calls for, not to militarize.
Here in Boyle Heights we see the revolutionary masses taking matter into their own hands and encouraged and aided by revolutionary leadership to resist gentrification. Here, too, our class and our people are being pushed out of our homes. Evictions, police violence, deportations and ICE raids, all in the name of urban redevelopment.
Here, too, we see the new Banc of California Stadium which houses the Los Angeles Football Club, redeveloping its immediate surroundings, allowing public drinking to promote alcohol consumption and mass numbness, promising millions of dollars in investment to the poor and proletarian neighborhoods of South Central Los Angeles. But all we’ve seen is more County Department of Public Health raids on vendors, more LAPD, more California Highway Patrol, more California State Police and more ICE arrests and detentions.
Our Black proletarian brothers and sisters are being slain by law enforcement and our immigrant proletarian brothers and sisters are being kidnapped by ICE and deported.
The farce of bourgeois democracy, here and in Brazil!
So-called “socialist” office holders, like former guerrilla-turned-capitalist roader Dilma Rouseff, and contemporary corrupt comprador Michel Temer, are popular due to the so-called “21st Century Socialism” pink tide that has swept across the Americas and stubbornly, like a stain, lingers on – but it is a fading stain.
Candidates in Brazil make speeches and declarations about what the Brazilian masses want but are only serving bureaucrat capitalism. The ruling class fights to maintain its order within corrupt Brazil.
Igor Mendes shows us that on the road to Communism, there will be many bends and arrests, and of course martyrs. But behind Igor there are thousands and even millions of people becoming better fighters through class struggle. And alongside those people there are Communists training and preparing and building in clandestinity, reconstituting the Brazilian Vanguard, the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction), guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, and the universal applications of Gonzalo Thought!
Long live the Brazilian masses!
Long live Igor Mendes da Silva and his 23 comrades!
Long live proletarian internationalism!
People’s War until Communism!
Red Guards Austin solidarity statement: https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2018/07/28/freedom-for-comrade-igor-mendes/
Red Guards Pittsburgh solidarity statement: https://redguardspittsburgh.wordpress.com/2018/08/02/free-igor-mendes-and-the-other-anti-fifa-23/
Red Guards Charlotte solidarity statement: https://redguardscharlotte.wordpress.com/2018/08/28/freedom-for-comrade-igor-mendes/
Red Guards Kansas City solidarity statement: https://kcmlm.wordpress.com/2018/08/03/freedom-for-comrade-igor-mendes-libertad-para-igor-mendes/
Class struggle is everywhere. Throughout history drugs have played an important role in capitalist illegal drug economies, in quelling revolutionary movements and in numbing the masses of the sharpness of capitalist contradictions.
Drugs and alcohol are, by their use and application in capitalist society, to the objective benefit of capitalism-imperialism, but even going as far back as British and Spanish colonialism. They serve the bourgeoisie in their fight against the conscious proletariat and proletarian revolution.
But drugs and alcohol alone are only one part of the problem. The implementers, the pushers, the dealers, are the ones who produce and circulate the poison. One cannot exist without the other. The harmfulness of drugs and alcohol are accelerated by their respective economies.
Drug dealers are merchants of death
Drug dealers, whether conscious of it or not, continue national oppression against the oppressed nations. They also play an accelerant role during the regular crises of capitalism when scores of the masses turn to the numbness of distracting drugs and alcohol. The unemployed proletariat or the precarious position of the semi-proletariat, losing their home, their family, their well-being – without a revolutionary guiding organization with a correct line on sobriety and drugs and alcohol – will succumb to so-called “self-medication,” but what in reality is better described as drug and alcohol domination.
Another dimension to drug and alcohol domination is the psychological trauma and mental and emotional re-adaptation of the user from early childhood who must, seldom without revolutionary (let alone professional) guidance. Capitalist society breeds bourgeois nihilism and reactionary self-hatred. It breeds bourgeois-individualism. It breeds reactionary violence and self-destruction. Bourgeois ideology is constant violence against the masses.
Drug domination is not mostly a problem of individuals who made bad choices. It is not merely a choice, as the bourgeois lies are constantly repeated. Drug domination is a combined external and internal attack. Externally, it is a highly-systematized web of oppression akin to population control that takes on almost a life of its own during economic crises and interpersonal problems among the masses, reproducing itself like a vicious cycle. Drug domination even has the power to remove the proletariat from their class, trapping them into the grim and bleak world of the lumpenproletariat, a de-classefication.
If drugs are the flames eating at the proletariat and the revolutionary movement, then economic crises is the gasoline accelerating the fire.
It is commonly acknowledged that historically capitalist states have played a fundamental role in introducing drugs into society, such as the U.S. Government under fascistic anticommunist President Reagan with crack cocaine in the 1980s. The CIA financed and defended two rightwing Contra supporters/members of Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense during the Nicaraguan Contra Wars, Oscar Danilo Blandon and Norwin Meneses, as they sold “tons of cocaine” to Ricky Donnell Ross, better known as “Freeway Rick Ross.” Reporter Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury News wrote a series and eventually published a book called “Dark Alliance” which documents this. Although some of the allegations are contested – not surprisingly by the U.S. Government and the CIA (it would be far more surprising for the bourgeois government to accept it as the damning truth it is). The money made from the selling of cocaine, to then be turned into crack cocaine by drug dealers, was funneled back to the rightwing guerrillas during the Contra Wars. Whether intentional or not, the objective reality became an organized, violent and bourgeois government-sponsored war against the masses of the country as Los Angeles as its epicenter and with a hyper-focus on Black proletarian/semi-proletarian neighborhoods. To this day, many Black and Chicano communities are left ravaged by crack cocaine domination while the only justice being that the corpse of fascist Reagan has been slowly devoured by the graveyard’s worms and beetles.
A narcotic with near-apocalyptic ramifications on the country’s masses is heroin. Arguably heroin’s mass consumption either began or was made known to the public in 1971 during the last few years of the Vietnam War. Soldiers were so addicted that they were forced to take a drug test before boarding a plane back to the U.S. “Approximately 15 percent of active soldiers were heroin addicts,” according to U.S. representatives in that same year.
Heroin remains one of the most popularly destructive narcotics in the Chicano Nation. It is one, if not the most, popular narcotic that ruins families and destroys lives. Studies have even followed and documented the hereditary nature of alcohol, narcotics and drug domination, including heroin addiction – which families pass it down from one generation to the next. Heroin is a bullet that never stops but shoots through father, mother, son, daughter, grandchildren, until all are in the streets, behind bars or in the grave.
But it is not simply only a moral issue – but of course that can’t be ignored. It is a method of domination of the masses like population control, of capitalist domination.
Drug and alcohol domination doesn’t just affect the masses. It also infects and poisons, and even neutralizes, revolutionary movements.
We are made stupid, spiritually crushed, and deadened by drug and alcohol domination. As we experience the political demoralization that occasionally creeps its way in, we are at risk at becoming destroyed by it. The masses absolutely already know this. Even the drug addicts and alcoholics know this. Revolutionary Communists, Maoists, must catch up en mass with the correct ideas of the masses on this question. You will seldom find any member of the basic masses arguing that drug and alcohol domination isn’t an antagonistic issue. The cemeteries have been collecting the bodies of the masses for generations. To them, there is no room for the postmodernist “left” who argues for hedonism as a revolutionary autonomous, anticapitalist alternative. To them, it is of great offense to talk about drugs and alcohol as liberatory devices – even if their families occasionally drink or smoke marijuana. Younger member of the masses with petite-bourgeois dispositions may occasionally defend drug and alcohol usage and even its abuse but their reality paints a grim picture in unison with our analysis.
The roles and three types of drug dealers
Everything under capitalism is stratified. There are hierarchies in everything. For drug dealers, they can be divided into three categories: big, medium and small. It is important to differentiate between the three different levels of drug dealers since all three categories have very different types of people and must have their own distinct methods of dealing with those contradictions:
- Big drug dealersBig drug dealers are enemies of the people who prey on the proletariat – this is how their industries and economies are reproduced (not like the proletariat’s relationship to the bourgeoisie’s means of production); these are the heads/leaders of local big gangs and big cartels; they are antagonistic to the proletariat and the people.In the present, where possible, the masses should be organized and armed to defend their communities and families against the big drug dealers – in the near future carrying out selective annihilation, people’s tribunals, etc. But this must be an undertaking part of a larger mass movement. Because the revolutionary forces are small and we are outnumbered, this is not going to be something we will do at the present.
- Medium drug dealersMedium drug dealers are smaller leaders of small-to-middle gangs and cartels; they are not beginners or recent members so it’s wrong to think they are less-guilty or less-dangerous. Most aspire to rise up in the ranks and make it to big dealer status. These are capitalist dreams. They see the drug economy as the capitalist enterprise that it essentially is. These dealers, however, are easier to encircle and mobilize against. The masses must be organized to expel them out of neighborhoods, to also take part in selective annihilation, people’s tribunals and armed propaganda when our forces are more advanced and the objective conditions correspond accordingly.
- Small drug dealersSmall drug dealers are addicts and new recruits in all the above formations, but mostly in small-to-middle drug cartels and gangs. They are mostly redeemable. They can be won over, away from gangs and drug dealings. They are either fully lumpenproletariat, with an incredibly small minority being semi-proletariat – functioning addicts. They have no other recourse. No jobs, no families, no future – supposedly. But they have a good grasp that they are oppressed, even exploited to some degree. They know that probation or parole is a self-fulfilling sentence, constantly being violated at the whim of reactionary pig parole or probation officers, going in and out of jails and prisons. They want escape but they also want recognition, even revindication, validation – that is absent in their families, schools and jobs. They need to be respected and paid attention to and loved. They also need to feel strong and powerful. All of this can be done with their reintroduction into the proletariat and class struggle, guided by Communist cadre and mass-line organizations. Whether or not the focus of the mass initiative is specifically anti-drug domination or if it is part of the larger mass initiative is not immediately clear, but it should be under the guidance and organizational body of the proto-People’s Army.
The struggle against drug and alcohol domination needs the active participation of the advanced section of the intermediary, and as many of the outright advanced, both to win over the more friendly and progressive elements of the backwards – the small drug dealers.
Colonization and capitalist domination fueled by alcohol
Alcohol domination, or alcoholism, began with the conquest by the colonizers of the indigenous nations and groups, especially of North America. An example of its deadly and genocidal effects can be seen as early as the 18th century. But it lasts to the present with natives suffering from alcoholism-related death six times more than any other population in the U.S. from 1992-1994.
The circulation of alcohol was an economic enterprise early on by European settlers, which of course eventually expanded into profitable, popular and global industries. Alcohol was a perfect weapon for the domination and subjugation of the rebellious natives who were fighting for their land and very existence. But the natives, before, during and after conquest, were also the colonizer’s clientele. In North America, researches highlight the extreme newness of alcohol to indigenous communities which caused the adverse effects. Europeans and others have had hundreds of years in perfecting and using alcohol, even though there surely was reckless drunkenness and alcoholism, but natives had no social practice or learned behavior – there were no “social controls” with its usage; Natives would often drink without moderation, consuming all alcohol available to them in the present moment; Native, like the colonizers, would often blame the alcohol – in some cases known as “Demon Rum” – and not hold each other accountable; there was learned behavior that alcohol would treat illnesses, in many cases substituting regular drinking water; In short, alcohol as colonization and capitalist domination was both intentional and unintentional. There was no alcohol-alcoholism separation since early on. Alcohol meant domination and abuse. That is why we argue so strongly that Communists, especially Maoists, must be sober – alcohol is a volatile reactionary weapon, nearly if not entirely impossible to control.
On and off the reservation, in and out of the native-populated (North American or from Latin America) barrios and ghettos, Chicano, indigenous and New Afrikans are in a fight for their lives against alcoholism. There is no room for alcoholism, and possibly alcohol, under the transitional period from capitalism to communism. Certainly, there is no room for alcoholism in the ranks of the pre-Party cadre formations and the coming Maoist Communist Party, our People’s Army and new proletarian state.
Oppose alcoholism, love the masses, fight for their lives and the lives of our comrades!
On prostitution, briefly
Drug and alcohol domination and prostitution is heavily interconnected. Like the stratification and hierarchy of drug dealers, we say the prostitution economy shares some similarities but is also different. There are no meaningful big or middle prostitutes, as even the renegades – the ones without pimps – are in a horribly precarious position often ending with beatings, rape and even death. It is highly probable that prostitutes in general can be reintroduced into the proletariat and the class struggle, but we will most likely be more successful with small prostitutes. But of course, like drug dealers, it is immediately unclear if this should be its own campaign or an aspect of another mass project. Prostitution is always a last resort for proletarian and semi-proletarian women, especially fueled or accelerated by drug and alcohol domination. It is a shameful and bourgeois myth that prostitutes are empowered “sex workers” regaining autonomy over their bodies as a method of anti-capitalist resistance. It is false consciousness at its most ugly and misogynist, even if the ideology is owned and reproduced by proletarian women. It mostly exists in imperialist countries where postmodernism, especially Michel Foucault’s petite-bourgeois sex positivism bio-politics that justifies this capitulation to backwards self-serving/destructive ideology at the expense of the class struggle. Prostitution stifles the revolutionary fury of proletarian women. It is an attempt at turning oppression into a weapon of the proletariat. But it is more akin to a dagger with no handle, cutting both the proletariat wielding it and the proletariat being stabbed by it.
We should unleash the fury of proletarian women upon pimps, upon drug dealers and other enemies of the people – but squarely from the ranks of the proletariat and its vanguard, and not from petite-bourgeois or lumpenproletariat positions.
Prostitution is a type of an economic exchange (and not “work”) involving a client, the john, the prostitute and the pimp (when applicable). The john is often of proletarian background and so the addiction/domination doesn’t simply exist within the prostitute herself/themselves. Drug and alcohol domination is almost totalizing here. Everyone suffers, but the prostitute is at the bottom of course. The higher-end johns of course exist and come from petite-bourgeois backgrounds, but typically their prostitutes are escorts and we think that necessitates a slightly different analysis because escorts are a more legitimized industry with a more solidified and formalized relationship where the pimp is a company with supervisors and the prostitutes are petite-bourgeois small independent contractors. It’d be wrong to say there is no aspect of a worker-owner relationship here but it is much like the stripper-club-owner relationship; they are still given economic autonomy (under the guise of political power) with scheduling, the right to refuse clients/services/price setting to a certain degree.
Sobriety is not the answer but a necessary tool toward Protracted People’s War
Sobriety must be a first step for the cadre as part of building the Maoist Communist Party in the U.S. prison house of nations. We must be the revolutionary examples to the masses, especially to the colonized masses. Through our actions and prestige, we must proclaim, “We are not like the others. We are different. For us, as it is for you, revolution is serious. We are not playing games, posturing as heroes. We are becoming soldiers who must always be on alert, on call. There is no room for foolishness or self-harming drunkenness and drug domination. We rise up against the capitalist and colonizer’s poison but we won’t leave you behind. You are coming with us and together we will make revolution, to eradicate drug and alcohol domination from the earth!”
But sobriety is only one step, albeit a big one for some, a smaller one for others. There must be absolutely no arrogant sobriety; no attacks on the struggling masses must be allowed. We must weaponize it but in a revolutionary and not reactionary way. Individualist boastfulness is petite-bourgeois. Pre-Party, and future Party, cadre and mass organization members found to be rude or condescending to the struggling masses should be severely punished and made an example of to the masses. Sobriety is only a tool. It is not the end-result. Capitalism will not allow a dual socialist society before the Strategic Equilibrium of PPW. Sobriety must mainly and only be seen as an indispensable armament for a soldier’s arsenal.
Maoists must do everything in their power to ensure that our comrades are as healthy as they can be and that they maintain revolutionary sobriety. This can only be done through revolutionary rehabilitation programs guided by Party initiatives, as opposed to the bourgeois rehabilitation industry. While there is some good in bourgeois rehab centers (getting addicts sober is obviously good and many people’s lives can be saved and have been saved because of rehab, including revolutionaries), they ultimate serve capitalism – even if there are one or two progressive or radical doctors or staff. The program’s entirety, if it isn’t guided by communist politics, succumbs to the ideological-reproducing machine of the bourgeoisie.
Substituting self-destructive practices that addicts retreat to and reproduce often in isolation with healthy, communist-led militarized initiatives in collective settings will aid and sustain revolutionary sobriety. Regularly checking in with comrades on the road to sobriety, intensely studying revolutionary warfare and applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, to all aspects of one’s life will replenish good morale in the comrade. The road to revolutionary recovery, if it is to be effective, must take place within the class struggle. And that road can only lead to Protracted People’s War as the peak arena of transformation. It is in revolutionary warfare that the people and communists are truly tested.
This general approach is not exclusive to communists, but it will be the communists who initially carry it out. But the masses also deserve revolutionary sobriety. Once communists perfect revolutionary rehabilitation programs they should implement them for the masses. The masses, then, must take these revolutionary sobriety programs over and reproduce them but orientating toward the masses.
There are two contradictory worlds we are living in, the old and the new; but the old one is primary and the new one is secondary for the time being. Prostitution and drug and alcohol domination are two systems relegated to the old bourgeois world which we have to annihilate, two industries whose ideology must be attacked – but guided by Communist leadership and reintroduction of the progressive, allied groups into the proletariat and class struggle. Class struggle – and especially Protracted People’s War – transforms people into revolutionary soldiers. Class struggle is the fire that cleanses the earth from the poisonous rot of the bourgeoisie. Cast away old ideas, break the chains of capitalist exploitation and accumulate forces for PPW! Militarize the masses and the pre-Party collectives! Apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, to the conditions in the U.S! The only method of defeating drug and alcohol domination is through revolutionary violence and unleashing the violent and redeeming torrents of the masses. Who are we to hold in their rage? Who are we to deny their revindication? Who are we to get in the way of their emancipation? We are but humble servants of the masses, revolutionary soldiers in the ranks of the becoming Party, People’s Army and the new proletarian state!
PDF is available here for download.
Recently we were made aware of an online French left-leaning blogger who wrote a criticism of our updated line on the Chicano Nation. In that blog – Servir le Peuple – the author made an impressive amount of ignorant interpretations, stated outright falsehoods and asserted an overall typical and standard cowardly line on indigenous national liberation for the internal colonies of the U.S.
We know this person is only an individual blogger with little influence so therefore holds a low priority for engaging in criticism. However, an opportunity has presented itself and we would like to use it to clarify and reaffirm several points within our updated Chicano Nation position paper.
Colony and internal colony: two distinct treatments
Our edgy blogger, which we are told is the French version of our very own Christopher Winston and his lonely island of phony Maoism (which actually is an eclectic mixture of Third-Worldism, identity politics and nationalism dotted with Marxist slogans making a coherent, yet cataclysmic, line), attempts to show the incorrectness of our updated line on the Chicano Nation by comparing our “faulty” position to that of Vietnam and their heroic anti-imperialist national liberation war. In this comparison, they go on to show the complete ridiculousness of opposing the Vietnamese national liberation war in favor of a “revolution in the whole empire” (where this quote originates from is not explained by our edgy and mysterious blogger) and abandoning the other French colonies in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean.
They are either dishonest or ignorant as they attempt to apply the logic in our position paper. Never mind that we don’t say that, that we don’t oppose national liberation anywhere on the earth, including the U.S., but rather uphold the right to self-determination which includes the right to secede from the parasitic oppressor nation; we unite with Red Guards Austin’s “Sunbelt Thesis” which argues for a countrywide, multinational Maoist Communist Party initiating in the Sunbelt region. We add that while this is done, there will be special attention to the Chicano, Black and indigenous nations that make up the region – those actual nations. In theorizing possible outcomes, the two theses in our paper, we do not rob the Chicano Nation of its right to develop and steer its own course toward national liberation, even including secession – we only warn against its dangerous vulnerable position within U.S. imperialism. We, additionally, theorize a political-military method to guarantee victory – for the proletariat and all internal colonies in the U.S.: Protracted People’s War.
The continental U.S. has internal colonies, which are oppressed nations, inside its belly; we cannot imagine a completely independent oppressed nation nearly surrounded by U.S. imperialism, even more so aggravated like a fallen wasp nest, not constantly attacking and threatening the very existence of the independent nation. So we say, why not coordinate all internal national liberation wars under a highly centralized, hierarchical political-military proletarian machinery? We must surround the enemy, and not the other way around!
Our French blogger also says it’s not wrong to focus solely on Chicano national liberation first over other oppressed nations, indigenous and Black – a self-criticism and subsequent change we made in the updated Chicano Nation paper. The blogger correctly says that history has shown through the Vietnamese national liberation war that other oppressed nations, including the French colonies like Algeria, will subsequently rise up. When the torrent of national liberation opens up, it is impossible to dam it back up. Much like socialist revolution. This is a universal truth.
But the comparison between the French colonies and the internal colonies of the U.S. isn’t the same. It is similar but not the same. The internal continental, geographical aspect will factor in significantly how the revolutionary war will develop. Methods for offshore colonies and internal colonies deserve two distinct approaches because geography – or national territory – plays a decisive role in the survivability of the nation. Still, we assert, victory for the oppressed nations is more guaranteed through a coordinated and highly-centralized political-military organization, the militarized Maoist Communist Party.
But this point also is perhaps the most fascinating part of our author’s blog because it actually serves to reinforce our position, even though that was not their obvious intention.
Yes, Vietnam continued fanning the flames of national liberation wars across the world. National liberation wars were being waged worldwide from the 1950s to the 1980s. In fact, we are still seeing national liberation movements being waged around the world, but infused with communist leadership. Many were successful in their violent severing of their ties to colonialism and imperialism. But U.S. imperialism was still left intact, only missing a few inches from some of its tentacles. We need more mortal blows to the multi-tentacle beast of U.S. imperialism! And where better to start and end it all than inside the belly of the beast itself, to tear it up from the inside, gutting it by the revindicating colonized.
It is evident that our blogger has exposed their erroneous premise that a colony is the same thing as an internal colony and should therefore be resolved in the same manner, everywhere, anywhere, forgetting about distinct objective concrete national conditions, especially geographical (territorial) conditions – a vital aspect to the Marxist criteria of nationhood.
But as Marxists, we must be against dogmatism, of lazily treating all things as the same. That is mechanical and anti-Marxist.
As we have illustrated, a colony like formerly Vietnam to French imperialism is different than an internal colony like Palestine to Israeli settler-colonialism. An internal colony is a type, or form, of a colony. The French colonies were trading and military posts for the French colonial, and then imperialist, empire. These colonies – Most overseas (Africa, Southern Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, etc.) – were not, however internal colonies. Not even Northern African Algeria. Internal colonies hold a distinct characteristic: they are settler colonies where an indigenous population has been displaced, and often genocided, by the settler population as part of long-term occupation. We’ve precisely seen this with the conquest of Turtle Island – of the U.S. – by British, French and Dutch settler-colonialism.
However, there are universal truths present in all colonies, which of course include internal colonies. Many are oppressed nations, but not all – such as the original thirteen colonies of the European settlers in New England, although they would later go on to form the White Nation with further expansion, genocide and conquest. All colonies have restrained and oppressed economies due precisely to the fact that a parasitic mother country, or empire, maintains a direct steady stream of exported capital back home from the colony. And all social classes of colonies that are oppressed nations are oppressed, even the bourgeoisie.
Nonetheless, an internal colony requires a specific and distinct analysis. In the U.S. we maintain that the internal colonies, which are also oppressed nations as laid out in our Chicano Nation position paper, include: the Black Nation, the continental indigenous nations and the Chicano Nation. Outside of the continental U.S., other colonies include Puerto Rico, Guam, Virgin Islands, Hawaii, Mariana Islands and American Samoa.
We assert this while knowing there is much more work needed to be done in fully theorizing precisely which indigenous groups constitute nations and which do not – some nations have historically been destroyed by the violent horrors of settler-colonialism. We also assert that in our above-naming of the indigenous nations, on or off the continental U.S., not all indigenous groups are nations. This is not indigenous erasure; it is a sober acknowledgement of the permanent effects of colonization. This will perhaps be the most controversial point, but one that needs to be grappled with by all genuine Maoists authentically interested in indigenous national liberation. We must seriously tackle the national question and cease parroting slogans without arriving at conclusions using revolutionary Marxism.
Maoists are brave and daring, not cowardly and unquestioning
At the first moment of taking on the historic and heavy title of Maoist, of announcing an ideological commitment to PPW anywhere on the earth, on mastering revolutionary violence as the proletariat’s heart beat, you must find yourself brave and daring for you have surrendered your life in revolutionary service to the people and the Party. There is no room for refusing to struggle due to fear – of anything! Communists, Maoists, are not cowards. We also question everything. The national question is no different, even though some supposed Maoists don’t dare theorize on indigenous nations out of fear of being labeled as chauvinistic, racist or insensitive.
North American Maoists in particular have a lot of work to do – ourselves notwithstanding – in more fully theorizing the national question in their respective countries on the continent. But Red Guards – Los Angeles at the very least has taken a small step in the direction of saying not all indigenous groups are automatically nations in the Marxist sense. But nonetheless all indigenous groups deserve revindication and a place in the destruction of U.S. imperialism. This isn’t a revelation. But absent in the canon of the U.S. and Canadian Maoist movements is a coherent and detailed theorization and handling of the native/indigenous/First Nations through a Marxist analysis. Why is that? Are we afraid of the very act of venturing into an area highly controversial and sensitive? Never mind that those carrying out the investigations are themselves, ourselves, indigenous.
But don’t dare say a word of that to our French blogger, who asserts: “This is, above all, nothing but [a basic] attempt to drive the US Maoist movement, whose internal [colonies’] CENTRALITY is obvious, under White leadership by using these fallacious arguments.”
So the non-white Maoist investigators of the national question are driving the U.S. Maoist movement into the arms of white leadership? How exactly? Why is it automatically assumed the countrywide multinational Maoist Communist Party will be white-led? Can it not be fathomed, stretching the brinks of our imagination, that the U.S. Maoist movement may in fact retain oppressed nationality leadership? Or could it be that in these criticisms there comes to surface a strange and subtle white supremacist notion that we are mostly victims and not revolutionary agents?
Even still, identity and all backgrounds are subordinate to mastery of a political line and mastery of two-line struggle. Leadership emerges through class struggle and revolutionary war. White or not, great leaders will emerge and we would be unforgivable to turn them away for a lack of melanin. Nonetheless, the country’s Maoist theoreticians are made up of white and non-white revolutionaries.
This earth-shattering revelation destroys the little worlds of the Third-Worldist escapists, the anticommunist pork chop nationalists and edgy French bloggers.
Recently a good and useful article titled “Interrogating Social Media” appeared on the new website struggle-sessions.com. In it, the author spells out this parroting syndrome popular in the left:
Inversely there is the example of the often repeated mantra in the revisionist left “RG (A, LA, KC, C, PGH) are all white” no matter how many times reality contradicts this claim it is repeated and repeated. The people who already detest the political lines of these organizations and this movement come to re-center their gripes along the lines of identity and away from any coherent political critique. They repeat the essence of “antifa is the real fascists” but insisting that these multinational organizations with a high percentage of people who are not white are really all white. Proof is not needed for fascist type propaganda which builds on a basal resentment no matter how deep down it resides. Again the more people repeat the unfounded lie the more people come to believe it—this is only a superficial belief which lends to the instability of this method of propaganda. Here this mythical “whiteness” is only used to whip up guilty emotions and cannot stand as an actual critique, since race does not determine political viewpoint and race science is denounced by Marxists. What is insinuated is far more devious, charges of “all white” implicitly claim that these organizations either bar people who are not white from joining (making them white supremacist organizations) or that they just consciously refuse struggle alongside the most oppressed sections of the masses, and focus exclusively on white struggles (again white supremacy)—in both cases this translates to arguing that an anti-fascist movement is the real fascist movement. The so-called internet left has come around again to agree with the internet right. Since repeating lies is the argumentation of the internet personalities, we find ourselves having to repeat the truth, a truth which is not always in line with the controversial Jerry Springer type entertainment which these people want to consume—the RG movement across the country is diverse, and with a consideration for the population diversity in this country if anything has a higher representation of people who are not white than the per-capita demographics of the country, not that this is a particularly crucial point when evaluating a political line or the quality of work exemplified by a movement.
As detailed in our paper, and elaborated more in the upcoming book “Colonization and Vengeance: Toward a Maoist Analysis of the Chicano Nation,” three lines exist on the Chicano national question: Socialist reunification, national minority (or the Chicano Nation liquidationist line) and Chicano national liberation line.
Our blogger ends their short criticism with a call for the socialist reunification of the Chicano Nation with Mexico, as well as a multinational indigenous republic hurriedly lumping in all 500-plus indigenous nations (Never mind that they offer no Marxist analysis for a single one of these nations). These are massive assertions with a gaping chasm of theoretical backing. They are empty claims. This is sloganeering and repeating what the nationalists, Third-Worldists and revisionists say.
But we owe it to the oppressed, to the natives – the native nations and groups, the Chicano Nation, the Black Nation, all U.S.-occupied native land – to apply Marxism as the science it is to investigate and analyze the concrete national conditions and to move toward a revolutionary war against U.S. imperialism. After all, we are in the third epoch of worldwide strategic offensive – having been initiated by the Communist Party of Peru and Presidente Gonzalo in 1980 at the start of the People’s War and the synthesizing of Maoism as the weapon of the international proletariat. Despite bends in the road, retreats, restorations, the proletariat and oppressed nations victory over capitalism and imperialism is guaranteed.
Chicanos make up a distinct nationality, apart from Mexico. Historically, ever since the robbing of nearly half of Mexico’s territory at the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, Chicanos have been rounded up by the White Nation, brutalized, displaced from their land, tortured and killed. In Mexico, people of Mexican descent did not and do not experience Mexican national oppression. They are the majority and in power. Our culture, economy, language and territory are vastly different from that of Mexico, and of course the U.S. We don’t belong anywhere except here in the Chicano Nation, in our home. Our population has called this land home for thousands of years. Many of our indigenous lineages can be traced to the Aztecs, who are native to the Southwest, as well as Yaquis, Pueblos, etc. Chicanos, like the Canadian Metis, only became a nation through settler-colonialism, war and struggle. To be Chicano is to acknowledge your indigeneity forever altered by colonization, understanding that often for many of us there is no home tribe or nation we can name. But our families go back generations to the Southwest, before and after 1848. We therefore are not immigrants. We are natives.
We have to quote a summary of this line from our position paper. It is unavoidable. It is baffling that our blogger upholds socialist reunification but it is apparent they did not bother to even read this section! So here it is – we want to force this down the throat of any revisionist who dares assert socialist reunification is viable:
It is a thoroughly revisionist and even racist position, despite its militant posturing. It is revisionist because it liquidates the Marxist conception and position on nationhood. The Southwest region, regardless of one’s thoughts or opinions, is a vastly different area culturally, politically, economically and linguistically from Mexico – and even from the rest of the U.S. Union del Barrio and the other pan-nationalists claim the Chicano Nation belongs to Mexico, that it is undeserving of independent nationhood, for in their ultimate flat analysis all of Latin America, including the U.S. in it – which they dub Nuestra America – is one, vaguely, ignorantly and proudly.
A reunification of the Chicano Nation with Mexico would be disastrous. There is nothing progressive of integrating into a narco-fascist corrupt capitalist empire. How would this reunification strengthen or advance the proletarian struggle? It wouldn’t. It would devastate the Southwest, sending it backwards, not forwards.
Even the socialist part of their reunification line is inconceivable. They advocate for a reverse national liberation revolution while also simultaneously defeating capitalism and establishing a pan-American socialist republic. Why not just launch a Global People’s War to build immediate communism too while they’re at it?
Two contradictions cannot exist at the same time, occupying the same exact place; one has to overcome the other; one is primary, the other secondary. So, which is it? Does the Chicano Nation need to be returned to Mexico first? Or does it and the rest of Mexico need to launch a socialist revolution first? To advocate for both at the same time is, at best, an idealist death wish, or, at worst, a treacherous death wish.
You cannot uphold the existence of the Chicano Nation, defend its right for national liberation, while also saying that nation should be returned to Mexico. Returning a nation to a nation-state liquidates said nation. Aztlán is its own nation. It is not, like our French blogger says, “Northern Mexico.”
Why we changed our line from separatism to countrywide PPW
To uphold national liberation one must uphold the nation as a whole, including the social classes of said nation. After all, national liberation is not about the proletariat emancipating itself but the nation freeing itself. The Chicano Nation – as a nation – has the two fundamentally and diametrically opposed classes, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. But the bourgeoisie is small, and even smaller is the national bourgeoisie – the most progressive sector of the bourgeoisie. The Chicano bourgeoisie is mainly comprador and cannot be united with for they are the lapdogs of U.S. imperialism.
The Chicano proletariat is the revolutionary subject in the Chicano Nation and is part of the countrywide and international proletariat, the harbingers of revolution and death to capitalism.
As stated in our updated Chicano Nation position paper, we changed our line supporting the establishment of an indigenous republic of the southwest governed by a Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat of the Indigenous and Chicano Nations because of the inevitable and unavoidable risks and dangers to the survivability of the liberated nation and all other oppressed nations, in particular the Black Nation.
A revolution – a PPW – on the continental U.S. land base would have to apply the most advanced strategy and method of warfare to guarantee victory and lasting liberation. The only proletarian method of war is PPW. Applying this method in the U.S. must involve a countrywide PPW, not an isolated (be it national or sectional) PPW, and encircling the enemy from the edges of the continental U.S., jointly working with indigenous nations and the Black Nation – primarily focusing on their proletariat. PPW has to start somewhere. And for the U.S., we reaffirm RGA’s thesis that the revolution will start in the Sunbelt region, most likely in the Black Nation, and sweep up and around the entire country like a crescent eclipse, closing in on the final phases of a fading moribund U.S. imperialism.
This by no means is the final chapter in theorizing PPW in the U.S. prison house of nations. More articles, not only from RGLA and other Red Guards formations, will be published in the near future elaborating more on how PPW must be a culmination of correct Maoist conclusions, bringing the correct development of the militarization of the Party and the masses, the concentric construction of the Maoist Three Instruments, the Party, the People’s Army and the United Front, and of bringing the correct understanding of our country’s national question into the fore.
Critics like the French blogger would, without a sound analysis (let alone a publicized position), posture for Chicano, indigenous and Black national liberation but only parroting the words of others and doing no independent investigation – how do we know this? Because they offer no Marxist basis and explanation of how their theory is correct. They are scared revisionists. This is the trend of contemporary revisionists who claim to uphold the banner of Maoism. They say all the right things; PPW is universal; Revolutionary violence is the universal law to conquer political power; the mass line incorporates the sea of masses into the People’s Army; we must militarize the party and the masses. They repeat everything without fully knowing what they are saying. They are cowards, afraid of being found alone and interrogated as to why they are Maoist. They’ll cower and capitulate to postmodernist identity politics when confronted by paper tigers of color. They are cowards and undeserving of compassion.
Throw away petite-bourgeoisie phrase-mongering and posturing! Investigate, apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism! Uphold the three components of Marxism: dialectical and historical materialism, Marxist political economy and scientific socialism. Investigate and question everything. Formulate correct lines on the national question, particularly in the U.S. The colonized subjects in the U.S. do not deserve paternalism, pity or tokenism; we deserve to be the masters of revolutionary warfare against U.S. imperialism. Nothing else will suffice.
To be a Maoist in the U.S., especially belonging to one of the oppressed nations, means to be brave and daring and firm on the universal truth of rupture as the basis for transformation and unity. As Maoists, as the PCP affirms, we are condemned to win!
Downloadable PDF of this document here.
Intro: rectification and conference
Earlier this month Red Guards – Los Angeles’ (RGLA) gender rectification project “Unlearning Patriarchy,” now known as “Arming Ourselves Against Patriarchy: Creating the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Unit,” was invited to and participated in the conference “#HowIWillChange: A Conference for Men to Deal With Our Sh!t.”
RGLA, with the guidance of Red Guards Austin, initiated a gender rectification campaign approximately two years ago when it was discovered that a member at the time had physically assaulted a woman. Leadership expelled the person and constructed an internal gender rectification campaign for the main task of transforming the men in the organization into proletarian feminists, and to better their understanding of gender and practice. Approximately one year ago, RGLA’s gender rectification campaign took on a semi-public character when we started hosting monthly workshops on patriarchy and capitalism, Unlearning Patriarchy. The workshops, the series overall, had a dual character: 1. to continue on with the internal gender rectification campaign – each RGLA member or supporter had their own particularities for their own specific gender rectification, 2. to politically bring up the men in our social and activist circles who also have bad gender practice and theory, with many women in their lives suffering because of this.
The conference, largely inspired by the #MeToo Movement, was organized around the idea of men dealing with their misogynistic behaviors, ideas, tendencies, etc. The conference was organized by men in the community and was hosted at a community center in Vancouver, Canada. Speakers and participants came from various parts of Canada and even the US, including many community members from indigenous nations in the regional area. Although the conference did focus on men speaking, engaging, transforming themselves and each other, women and trans people also participated.
Facilitators and leaders of Unlearning Patriarchy, as a project reaching its end, saw this as a good opportunity to engage with different community members regarding the history, present, and future of the project. RGLA saw this as a good way to reflect, self-criticize on the projects shortcomings, and engage in good-faith criticism on multi-tendency spaces that speak of transforming society by transforming the individual, especially on “challenging, unlearning, countering, decolonizing” patriarchy, but do not build revolution nor do they know how to get there.
The conference was a big umbrella space for leftist and community members looking to end misogyny in society and within ourselves. But the conference, like all bourgeois institutions and manifestations, was incidentally about how to continue operating capitalism, and how to continue surviving under capitalism.
Like the reformist nature of the state’s nonprofit suger-coated bullets, all manifestations of supposed solutions to the contradictions and problems of capitalism, patriarchy and settler-colonialism that do not uphold and reaffirm revolutionary war as the method of resolving the principle antagonistic contradiction, that between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is actually counter-revolutionary in essence.
The conference was devoid of revolutionary politics, Marxism. There was no guiding ideology or analysis exposing the contradictions of capitalism, its relation to patriarchy and how to destroy it. Of course, aspects and sub-aspects of patriarchy were discussed but not sufficiently analyzed and struggled over theoretically (e.g. defining terms, violence in homes, what causes individuals to become violent, how violence is around us all the time, etc.). While settler-colonialism was only vaguely discussed as a principle cause for much of the sub-aspects of patriarchy like misogyny and objectification, there was no scientific correlation as to how patriarchy predated the European conquest and settlement of present-day Canada, its development through private property and the ascension of the family economic unity and the state. There was no analysis as to how patriarchy gets reproduced in capitalist society or the type of character – antagonistic or non-antagonistic – of the relationship between proletarian men and women.
It was a space for men to openly talk about what was wrong in the dominant capitalist culture, how culture reproduces misogynistic ideology and actions, how men themselves do so too in their daily lives, and how to better combat that as individuals. But here the conference speakers perpetuated a line that RGLA had adopted early on, which was fundamentally incorrect. That is, a flattening of all men, regardless of class or nationality, who perpetuate equally patriarchy against women. Secondly, as mentioned earlier, the conference and RGLA had upheld a political line that interpersonal relationships between men and women under patriarchal capitalism – as opposed to the incorrect “capitalist patriarchy,” which puts patriarchy first as the principle contradiction – can be “unlearned,” while not completely, to a lower more bearable level. It is of little to no concern about the individual’s concept of gender or patriarchy; it is far more important to adopt a collective, in our present state the pre-party formation, political line on the position of proletarian women, in and outside of the internal colonies/oppressed nations, under capitalism and to strategize a resolution to the contradiction between the sexes.
We assert, now, that the contradiction between proletarian men and women is not generally antagonistic and therefore does not require a revolution between men and women to resolve this contradiction. The non-antagonistic contradiction between proletarian men and women however may, at times, become antagonistic and often results in violence and even murder of women. However, there is a direct correlation between the contradictions of capitalism and the precarious economic position the proletariat occupies. Violence exits in proletarian neighborhoods. Violence against women exists in proletarian neighborhoods. Violence against women exists in the oppressed nations in proletarian neighborhoods. This violence does not exist constantly but rather under regular peaks of sharpen imperialist economic crises like recessions, massive job loss, offshoring, outsourcing and state policies that heightens the exploitation of the proletariat and increases the level of national oppressed by the white nation against the internal colonies/oppressed nations like mass housing displacement (gentrification). Capitalism perpetuates violence, not the other way around. The former is explained by Marxism, the other is upheld by postmodernism and revisionist “Marxist”-feminism and other non-Marxist feminist schools of thought.
After the revolution the socialist construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat with a reconstruction and collectivization of domestic/reproductive labor will initially resolve the contradiction between men and women. Subsequent cultural revolutions can also resolve the more aggressive residue patriarchal ideas that linger on as the dying old ideas of a dying old world.
Thoughts on the conference: the good and the bad
Most conference speakers came from nonprofits and many were members of indigenous nations, and/or had academic backgrounds. A lot of the focus could be narrowed down to acknowledging settler-colonialism, intersectionality, and self-transformation by individuals.
Again, we repeat, if the goal is to end patriarchy, simply put, we argue that you cannot end patriarchy without destroying the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie; and only a revolutionary movement led by a militarized Communist Party guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, can destroy the capitalist state. Patriarchy came about with the advent of private property, the state and correlating social classes. We can only move closer to its elimination with the destruction of social classes. That is not an end all, by any means, but it is fundamental. It is the fundamental political line, and within the line contains the steps, to destroy the state and doesn’t exist in the idealist, un-Marxist world in which patriarchy will eventually crumble under its own weight; it must be destroyed through revolutionary violence, through a revolutionary war. Within this, however, we find unity with many non-Maoists organizations, movements and people. So to speak of destroying one without the other – capitalism and patriarchy – is to uphold both, just like how revisionism pretends to be Marxist and anti-capitalist when in reality to uphold revisionism is to uphold capitalism and/or its restoration.
Some thoughts on the tactics from the conference:
1) On nonprofits: Nonprofits are not revolutionary, nor do many claim to be (but some do, and ought not to lie to themselves and the masses). Many acknowledge their limits, but still they see the necessity of creating a better world. Beyond the fact that many nonprofits have contradictory roles within communities, like Self-Help Graphics & Art in Boyle Heights that works with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie actively displacing/gentrifying the proletarian community, as well as receiving money from the comprador bourgeoisie that make their wealth through exploiting other communities, what role do nonprofits generally play in society?
Nonprofits generally focus on issues that affect working-class families living under capitalism but look to put band-aids on them – that is, soften the contradictions of capitalism. Because of this they are only bourgeois instruments. Nonprofits who orientate to urban proletarian students receive a sub-par education, especially oppressed nationality youth. Nonprofits look at this national oppression or capitalist exploitation and says, “Let’s give them art classes, tutoring programs, mentors, healthier spaces to grow and learn.” Nonprofits who orientate to working-class families struggle to eat looks at this and says, “Let’s give them free food, help them find employment, provide amenities to survive the realities of capitalism.” All this, without a class analysis, sounds nice, is nice, and is subjectively morally good. But it keeps the proletariat comfortable in their shackles, the colonized subjects able to bear colonization. There is no freedom without violent confrontation. There is no proletarian emancipation, of men or women, without an ending of the political economic relationship to the means of production. There is no emancipation of the colonized, oppressed and exploited without the seizure of power. As Lenin and the Bolsheviks and Presidente Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru have asserted, “Everything is illusory except power!”
With a class analysis we see that nonprofits generally only exist and thrive off the contradictions of capitalism. They do not seek to destroy the root causes of the issues they actively work around; they do not see the need of destroying capitalism in every way, shape and form. They see the need of transforming individuals and helping them out in their basic needs to make capitalism more bearable and survivable for them. They, in practice, reinforce capitalism by putting band-aids on contradictions that should be used to sharpen revolutionary moments and movements in aiding and ushering the destruction of the old, sepulchral capitalist world.
2) On the performativity of Unlearning Patriarchy: This is a criticism and self-criticism. You cannot unlearn patriarchy. An attempt to do so is, at its best, an exercise in performative, empty posturing. At its worst, it is actually treacherous to the emancipation of the proletariat, especially proletarian women. Patriarchy is inherent in every aspect of society and it is reinforced every second we live on this earth under capitalism. That is one of the functions of society’s superstructure. And to merely “unlearn” something prior to a hit to the economic base of society, or in absence in striking a hit against the economic base of society, is metaphysical.
At the start and much throughout the gender rectification campaign, we de-prioritized Maoist politics in favor of more immediate and interpersonal feminist politics. That is, we suspended Marxism. We put non-Marxist feminist politics in command. We did so because we saw the urgency in fighting relentlessly against the men of the cadre and supporters’ rampant patriarchal behavior, which included physical abuse against women but also included emotional/psychological abuse. We eagerly dove into publications by bell hooks, Audre Lorde, Silvia Federici and others, grasping for any semblance of male feminist practice. We found some good and correct ideas, but we also found many bad and incorrect ideas. We attempted to distill the good from the bad, see Silvia Federici’s immense research on the development of patriarchy and primitive accumulation or read about bell hooks upholding the need for multi-gender formations (she used concepts like spaces or convenings, but formations would be better said and applied). This wasn’t a total failure, however. We struggled internally and externally with allied women and men who were welcomed into the rectification campaign. It was during ideological struggle on questions of gender that Marxism began to rear its head in opposition to certain lines – such as the radical feminist assertion of the man-woman contradiction being antagonistic instead of the Marxist position of it being a secondary non-antagonistic one. However, the fact that Unlearning Patriarchy lasted as long as it did without enough fundamental changes to its mission and outcome means it was more a failure than a victory. Nonetheless, RGLA and our supporters did take away great lessons and mental transformation – which can only mean developing a militarized communist discipline and adherence to a life of revolutionary service and revolutionary prestige.
This is a path we have already embarked on and we cannot be removed from it; our feet are firmly planted and our resolve is growing harder and harder like communist soldiers – becoming.
This – patriarchy’s hegemony – will not change, no matter how many bell hooks reading groups we are a part of; it will not change, no matter how many more self-care books are published; it will not change, no matter how many feminist seminars are conducted – even if they call themselves anticapitalist or even Marxist; it will not change, no matter how many men’s circles gather to learn how to be emotionally available and vulnerable with their intimate partners; it will not change, no matter how gender-diverse your organization is in its membership. Healing is impossible. Representation is not power. It, alone, is identity politics. Revolutionary war – principally Protracted People’s War – is the only solution.
Patriarchy’s violent hegemony will only begin to be chipped away when the global proletariat, with a special emphasis on proletarian women from the oppressed nations of the world, are no longer under the subjugation of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
No longer will we suffice with the concept of unlearning – yes, men need to improve their gender practice but without an analysis as to why sexism exists and who benefits from it, unlearning becomes performative. Performative is generally radical in speech and reformist in action. One must literally arm themselves against patriarchy and build a revolutionary movement! If one commits to fight against patriarchy but not destroy the economic base that produces patriarchal ideas and relations, what was accomplished?
3) Lifestylism: Lifestylism focuses on an individual transforming themselves. That’s it, mainly. And this is generally what the conference was about. The environment is being destroyed by the amount of commodities we consume, so we must consume less. The amount of energy taken to grow beef, chicken, and pork drains natural resources, so we need to eat less meat and become vegan. Misogyny is rampant in society, so we must be genuinely nicer and smile more when walking around. That one company is fucking up a community, so then we must boycott it. Water is becoming more scarce and needs to be preserved, so we need to drink less, hah! We jest on this last point, of course, but that is where this line leads. It does not address the root of the problem or seek to transform it. Many tactics under lifestylism (which only are choices) might need to be taken up under revolutionary movements, but the revolutionary movement seeking to destroy that which treats life as a commodity must remain primary in every instance – otherwise capitalism is the end of the world and the human species.
4) “Check your privilege-ism”: The conference also brought awareness to settler-colonialism. Statements like, “this city is founded on violence by settlers” and “I identify as a settler” were made by presenters. Acknowledging settler-colonialism and the role it plays within patriarchal capitalism is very important, of course, but only acknowledgment so as to form a political analysis for revolution. To check your privilege is not only not enough, it is performative and politically stupid.
The postmodernist concept of “decolonization” is liberal political trickery that only preserves the colonizer’s world and their capitalist economy. The need to fight back against decolonization’s meaninglessness posturing and reassert revolutionary national liberation, primarily around the question of land, as Frantz Fanon originally had theorized it, is essential. There is no talk of fighting against colonization without fighting for the recapture of native land, of the homeland of the oppressed nations within the US and Canada. Otherwise, how can we talk about settler-colonialism existing without talking about how to materially end it?
Our political economic system in North America is settler-colonialism capitalism-imperialism. Patriarchy is a secondary contradiction, but one that can become and is mortal for women. But patriarchy is best studied from a class analysis. Bourgeouis women share very little with proletarian women. Proletarian women are alienated from their labor. They are abused, raped, brutalized, killed and left discarded in public parks like here in Boyle Heights and other parts of Los Angeles. Bourgeois women, as the gender of the dominant class in power, do not face that same reality.
A system such as ours, imposed upon the native, Chicano and Black nations, having colonized and genocided countless groups and even entire native nations – can we really talk about merely unlearning, checking privilege or decolonizing or deconstructing such a system without the use of revolutionary violence and vengeance?
Moving forward with the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units
We are thankful that our supporter was invited and able to participate in the conference in Vancouver. As Maoists we will reflect on participating in future similar conferences that are multi-tendency and not revolutionary. Our proletarian communities, especially proletarian women of the oppressed nations, need and die each day that there is not a revolutionary vanguard. We cannot, they cannot, afford more academic and reformist conferences with no material revolutionary solutions and strategies. We are not fooling ourselves in thinking that that will be provided outside of revolutionary formation.
Proletarian women will be part of the leadership of this revolutionary struggle and it will be crucial for men to transform and become better comrades, not for personal gain, but as a necessary step toward ending all forms of injustices on this earth.
The Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units is still in its nascent steps but we are putting a heavy emphasis on political development and political struggle so as to lay down a concrete foundation capable of supporting nothing short of the towering project of continued preparation for the great revolutionary war against capitalism.
The masses die each day the militarized Party, People’s Army and United Front continues not existing. Proletarian women of the oppressed nations continue to die each day the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units continues not existing fully. We must build as if the lives of the masses depended on it, for it does. We must build with the noble revolutionary abandonment that our lives are guaranteed to be laid down in service of revolution and the emancipation of proletarian women. We are invincible with the revolutionary development of a militarized proletarian feminism! We are unstoppable with the becoming-militarized masses full support and participation! We are immortal under the red banner of Maoism!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Long live the proletarian women of the oppressed nations, and the world!
Women hold up half the sky!
Long live all immortal proletarian women who fight and give their lives to the revolution!
Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA) sends its deepest solidarity to our comrades in Austin and in particular comrade Dallas who is, as we type this and as you read this, sits in a jail cell fighting for his freedom and to return as a die-hard supporter of the revolutionary communist movement.
We unite with the international outpouring of support for our comrade, from Turkey to Paris, from Norway to Kansas City, Pittsburgh, Houston, and now here in the eastside of Los Angeles. Boyle Heights lifts up the bold and daring communist character of comrade Dallas! Selflessness, revolutionary, always ready to give his life to the masses and the revolution!
We, too, are affected and moved to action and solidarity with our comrades resisting state repression in Austin. RGLA will not rest, will not spend a single hour or day without contemplating seriously on the release and well-being of Dallas and the growth of the revolutionary movement. The two are permanently connected.
The comrades in Austin were instrumental in the political development of our organization, and in particular Dallas and his comrade-fiancée – both facing serious jail time on suspicious charges most likely in cooperation with liars.
So many memories were shared with comrade Dallas and his comrade-fiancée. From sitting around a living room, drinking too much coffee, smoking too many cigarettes, line struggling over key questions of the movement, theorizing ways in which to stop their dog from shitting on the comrade’s carpet – analyzing whether or not it was a passive-aggressive treacherous act. Our revolutionary love and bond was cemented with dark and psychological-taxing situations that we inevitably persevered. Communism may not be love, but it is an invincible and immortal power that, like electricity, surges through the veins and molecules of its loyal soldiers and the masses.
Los Angeles swells with pride at the memory of our proletarian soldiers, comrade Dallas and his comrade-fiancée! We are sadden but as calculating as scientists with this sadness, turning it into revolutionary resolve and invincible motivation.
Long live comrade Dallas!
- Write to him at firstname.lastname@example.org
- Send PayPal donations to email@example.com
- Please continue to buy T-shirts, which directly fund the struggle to defend Dallas. Some of them feature his original artwork: https://teespring.com/stores/urban-guerrilla-outfitters
- Please keep sharing his story far and wide. The article about him has been translated into French, German, and Danish. Keep it going! http://www.redspark.nu/en/political-prisoners/defend-comrade-dallas-and-fight-for-his-freedom/
From rebellion to war: escalate the anti-gentrification strategic defensive to equilibrium!
At the meeting and march called for by the Defend Boyle Heights coalition approximately three weeks ago titled “For the Love of the Hood,” on Feb. 7, advances were made but setbacks were also experienced. The following is a summation of the night by the leaders of the militant march-bloc, Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA).
The growing presence of pigs in the war against gentrification
By approximately 5 p.m. LAPD Hollenbeck Division pigs were already closely monitoring the meeting as DBH supporters were setting up chairs, tables and other materials for the evening at Mariachi Plaza. A white Dodge Charger with uniformed pigs was parked nearby. Pigs walked up to DBH supporters to suggest that the march be contained to the sidewalk and that the meeting’s organizers communicate with the pigs. Most people refused communication with the pigs except for a guest speaker who, not knowing any of the evening’s plans, answered as vaguely as possible. Toward the end of the DBH-led public meeting, the facilitators announced a plan to march in Boyle Heights without disclosing the route, its destination or leadership.
The plan, as it was revealed, was to march to the art galleries in the so-called “arts district” of Boyle Heights and focus on the main target, the new breweries. A polemic against the breweries and gentrification in general issued by DBH had been released the day prior and a Facebook event page for the public meeting at Mariachi Plaza had been made public for close to a month. While it acted as a rallying call for militants and defenders of the community and masses to come out, it, in the end, hindered the militancy of the march. Hollenbeck Division pigs were adequately prepared as they have a seemingly good, but incomplete, understanding of the high level of militancy of the Boyle Heights anti-gentrification movement. We say they have a good understanding of the all-around growing militancy of the movement, but it is incomplete because they do not grasp its essence. They do not fully understand the high-level of discipline and naked revolutionary selflessness of the movement’s soldiers, who have shed the dead skin of their activism.
The time for activism is over. Now is the time of war.
Hollenbeck Division pigs ended up attempting to escort the RGLA led march-bloc with police cruisers, undercover Ford Crown Victorias and Dodge Chargers following closely behind, in the front and waiting on most corners – with one or two exceptions. Although the route had not been announced, it was fairly evident the marchers were going toward most of the big-name art galleries.
The first stop was at Chicano comprador bourgeois institution Self-Help Graphics & Art. RGLA gave a brief overview and analysis of the institution’s class and Chicano Nation traitors, specifically naming Alfred Fraijo, Jr. as one of the principal enemies of the people for his carrying out evictions against proletarian immigrants and Chicanos in the community, as well as his loyal lapdog (comprador) servitude to arch-gentrifier Vera Campbell – one of the richest capitalist-gentrifiers in Boyle Heights.
The militants, then, carried on with the rest of the route. But the pig presence continued, if not increased. RGLA operation leaders created scenarios in the event of the pigs showing up at the start of the march. One scenario, as some militants had addressed the marchers during a brief strategic retreat midway in the march, was to end the march early and scatter. But it had been decided to carry on with the march for two reasons: 1.) because the goal was still within reach – all-out intimidation of the gentrifiers residing in the arts district and confronting the breweries at the end of the arts district’s gallery row near 7th and Anderson, and 2.) earlier in the evening, at the end of the DBH meeting, there was a collective oath taken by the vast majority of the attendees at the meeting to defend Boyle Heights – the vast majority made up by the advanced and intermediary sections of the masses of Boyle Heights and Los Angeles would fight by any means necessary, up to and including laying down their lives and risking imprisonment – against the strategic offensive of the collaborationist state-and-non-state gentrifiers and their pig army.
This was not a civic expression of exercising freedom of speech and assembly as the bourgeois activist would say. The two above-mentioned reasons were the guiding philosophy of the military operation.
In the end, it was evident and proven correct to not abandon the operation. The goal was enthusiastically fulfilled.
Necessary risks for a necessary outcome
As mentioned earlier there was a steady presence of pigs in the rear and front of the march-bloc. Therefore, the operation leaders reverted to an auxiliary plan with a near-immediate adjustment. While the plan succeeded in fulfilling the objective and fulfilling the goal of the operation, its errors were dangerous because it did not take into account certain scenarios. For that very reason it put comrades more at risk. Nonetheless, in adherence to the march-bloc’s collective oath, it was decided that the risk was necessary, come what may, pig baton, arrest or worse.
It was evident that attempts were made to evade and obstruct police presence, which included a breaking off and sprinting en masse from the pigs and quickly changing route to the front of 356 Mission. This on-the-spot sprint worked momentarily. In a hurried speech, hurried because pig cruisers could be seen surrounding the march-bloc, another analysis was offered by RGLA and a DBH supporter as to why 356 Mission remains another principal enemy of the people, specifically naming capitalist-gentrifier Gavin Brown and petite-bourgeois artist Laura Owens.
But overall, the march-bloc’s speed was no match for the speed of the police cruisers. Many militants were out of breath. Militants and allies shared concerns over their state of health and physical fitness. Some were overheard to have said that they would here on out smoke less, exercise more, etc., to essentially militarize.
Another stop was at artist live-in lofts where militants launched heavy trash on top of cars over a tall wrought-iron fence. Other militants shook the fence, repeatedly slammed a dumpster with heavy debris. The goal was to ensure the lofts residents were awake and aware of the march-bloc and its thirst for revolutionary violence.
Gentrifier-hipsters were terrified. The pigs were seen shining lights on hipsters walking out of or around the art galleries and breweries, being told to go inside, to probably lock the doors, and stay away from the windows. This was emergency code red for gentrifiers.
If it wasn’t clear to any of the masses in attendance in the march-bloc, this example made it evident that the pigs only exist in capitalist society for the protection of private property and the oppressor sectors and classes.
During the march and operation, rear and mid-section militants moved tires, street sandwich boards, traffic cones, and rolled dumpsters into the street to momentarily delay and block following police cruisers.
Final confrontation at breweries
The march-bloc eventually reached its last stop, the newly-named enemies of the people, the breweries. This is where pig confrontation increased but still remained overall tame. Due precisely to the close proximity of pig presence there was minimal disruption and damage against the enemy.
This is where perhaps the most bold and daring actions were taken by the RGLA-led march-bloc as part of the operation. It is unclear exactly what damages had taken place, but many public posts on social media or in-person reports claimed militants launched heavy items into a brewery, walls, windows and other property, and vandalized vehicles, – including “Fuck hipsters” spray-painted on a nearby car. However, the enemy has yet to furnish any proof. Without proof, we cannot say it actually occurred. Nonetheless, confrontation ensued but ultimately nothing major came out of it other than a few angry and traumatized gentrifier-hipsters. One was seen praying or meditating with his palms pressed together in the face of the protesters, seemingly as a bourgeois symbol of meaningless protest. This is not a joke. It is a sign of desperate times for the enemies of the people.
While the last action of the overall operation was fine, it was not satisfactory. The people wanted more, but the pigs were too close to truly unleash the full fury of the masses and militants. Even so, we applaud the actions of the march-bloc.
While the enemy, the gentrifier-hipsters, did not flee en masse, one jeep did quickly load up its passengers, busted a U-turn and sped down Anderson and 7th.
The spark of the anti-gentrification war will ignite the prairie fire of Protracted People’s War
In the end, the march-bloc disengaged and walked toward 7th Street. It was reflected and agreed upon in a quick debrief that the fighting had been too fair. The RGLA operation leaders addressed the two different types of violence, revolutionary violence and reactionary violence. We said the only way to resist gentrification and capitalism is through the mastery and popularization of revolutionary violence. The march-bloc enthusiastically agreed.
An analysis was laid out on the state of the gentrification war in Boyle Heights. The militants are small. The enemy is not. The militants strength, while commendable, is comparatively weak. The enemy’s is not. The militant’s are poorly armed. The enemy is not. This is the less concerning, for as Maoists we know armament comes when politics are kept in command in building up the masses. But, in the final analysis, both camps powers are dialectically related and changing. As one grows strong, the other is beaten down to a weaker level.
Currently, the method of warfare is mobile guerrilla tactics, correlating appropriately with the anti-gentrification war’s stage of strategic defensive.
In our analysis, the militants will not fight fair and for that we all will win.
We, however, have to offer a self-criticism for ignoring the original plans without having fully developed auxiliary plans. Because of that, their was great potential for one or more comrades being arrested, hurt or worse, during that action. While in war loses are unavoidable, we as operation leaders will do a better job of gaining mastery in military operational planning and reducing the risks of loses as much as possible.
RGLA, the militants and the masses are invincible because we have proven our character as militants of a growing army, forged in the fire of struggle. We are subordinate to highly-centralized and disciplined organizational body, RGLA, guided by the invincible ideology of Maoism. We are popularly supported by the advanced and intermediary sections of the masses.
These military operations are part of a larger preparation in the coming Protracted People’s War (PPW). The militants and certain sectors of the masses appear to be transforming into soldiers, into the future soldiers of the People’s Army.
As Maoists, we see the initiation of the PPW not as a far-removed date in time, but rather as a life-or-death test we are in constant conditioning for. Military operations, like the one mentioned in this summation, should be seen as an application of one of the most important aspects of Maoism, the universality of PPW. As a universality, it exists everywhere, all the time, with or without anyone’s acknowledgement, just like gravity or the air with breathe. In order to fully carry out PPW successfully, it must be weilded by a genuine principally Maoist Communist Party, with the anti-revisionist United Front combining the militarized masses with the militarized Party, and the People’s Army also made up of soldiers who are Party militants and mass militants.
It is evident that the line of demarcation has been drawn. The question was asked, the oath posed, at the DBH event by the meeting’s facilitator, “How many of you will do whatever is necessary to defend the masses of Boyle Heights?” Almost unanimously those 40-to-50 in attendance thrusted their hands up to the night sky. The line is being drawn by the militants and masses – and this action acted as one solidification. There can be no middle-of-the-roaders in the war against gentrification. There only exist two lines, that of fighting against gentrification wielding the invincibility of revolutionary violence or supporting the reactionary violence of the state-and-non-state gentrifiers.
We as Maoists will not wait for the war to become soldiers. We are becoming soldiers every day, in and outside of small and big operations, and in serving the people. These anonymous masked militants and the masses embolden our efforts, our guiding ideology and our conviction. Militarize all the pre-Party Maoist formations in the country! Militarize the masses of the country! Grasp Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Long live the anonymous masked militants and the masses who risk their freedom and lives for the defense of Boyle Heights!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Long live the building of the Communist Party, the United Front and the People’s Army!
Red Guards – Los Angeles, as part of the U.S. Red Guards Movement, fully supports boycotting the bourgeois elections in substitution for training ourselves and the masses to destroy the Old State and build up our revolutionary forces to conquer political power. We are in solidarity with election boycotts worldwide, from Europe to South America. The slogan for the Maoist position on bourgeois elections must be a resounding cry of “Elections, no! Revolution, yes!” and in Spanish for the Spanish-only speaking masses: “¡Elecciones, no! ¡Revolución, si!”
The masses already see the decrepitude of elections, electioneering and generally in voting altogether under U.S. capitalism-imperialism. Incidentally, the masses exercise a passive and unorganized boycott of bourgeois elections and voting in general. We must turn the masses passive force into a militarized active force. You do this through arduous class struggle, of which the peak is People’s War and Cultural Revolution.
Even though this year we may probably see an increase in voter turnout, the reality remains largely the same: bourgeois elections under imperialism with crumbs falling off the table for the masses to catch!
So, then, the tasks of Maoists is in organizing the unorganized masses for People’s War. Only through revolution and the subsequent Dictatorship of the Proletariat can the masses truly seize power through its militarized Maoist Communist Party. All current or imminent bread-crumb legal victories like the probable passing of the California rent stabilization Proposition 10 are fragile gains. But fragile or not, these are gains. These are gains fought for by the masses and revolutionaries but manipulated and presented back to the masses by bourgeois political parties, either in power or striving to get there like the Democratic Socialists of America or the Green Party.
This year we see the walls of Los Angeles, and in particular Boyle heights, adorned with revolutionary slogans. In the future we will see more slogans, more expressions of mass rebellion and more small signs of the coming Protracted People’s War.
(The following pictures were sent to us anonymously)